It seems that some of our military-men-turned-politicians are suffering from the unilateral withdrawal syndrome. It may be typical of the military mindset: Get it over with! Finish the job! Do something! Do anything! Actually, on some occasions that may be the correct strategy. It usually comes under the heading of “Cutting your losses.” But often it may be the wrong way to go.

Two of our illustrious military leaders seem to have been afflicted by this syndrome. One was Ariel Sharon, who peremptorily decided on the unilateral withdrawal from Gush Katif and the forceful uprooting of 8000 Israeli citizens from their homes, in the expectation that the move would ease Israel’s defense problems and advance the peace process. The other is the present defense minister, Ehud Barak, who has a long record of espousing unilateral withdrawals in the expectation that therein lay the solution to our problems, or else that this is the way to evade an oncoming tsunami that he thinks he sees approaching on the horizon.

His first opportunity came in 2000, when, as prime minister and defense minister (he insisted on holding both positions ), he decided on the unilateral withdrawal from the south Lebanon security zone, abandoning Israel’s ally, the South Lebanon Army, and bringing the Hezbollah terrorists up to the border fence in the north. He expected this move would transform Hezbollah from a terrorist organization into a Lebanese political party that would abandon its policy of launching attacks against Israel, or alternately that Israel, after the retreat, would be able to deter Hezbollah from continuing its terror attacks against Israel. It didn’t work.

But that mistake did not lead Barak to change course. Switching to the “land for peace” paradigm, he continued by offering the Syrians the Golan Heights in the expectation that they would then rein in Hezbollah in Lebanon. We can today consider ourselves fortunate that that plan was not brought to completion. Trading land for peace simply did not work, nor did deterrence work against terrorists. Hezbollah celebrated the Israeli withdrawal, strengthened its hold on Lebanon and amassed a vast arsenal of rockets that could reach a good part of Israel. These rockets came down on Israel’s civilian population during the Second Lebanon War, which was a direct outcome of the unilateral withdrawal from the south Lebanon security zone.

Hezbollah rockets are today poised in far larger numbers to threaten Israel’s civilian population in all of the country. We may want to believe that we are capable of deterring them from launching these rockets, but just to be sure we are investing tremendous resources in the meantime to prepare the civilian population for such an attack. Unless these rockets are removed, they are going to be launched against Israel’s civilian population at a time chosen by Iran, Hezbollah, or both.

But Barak cannot get unilateral withdrawal out of his mind. Now he suggests that we consider staging a unilateral withdrawal from Judea and Samaria, thus putting the central population areas of Israel in the range of Kassam rockets to be launched from there.

Over the years, slowly, gradually, almost imperceptibly, Israel’s civilian population has been brought to the front line alongside the armed forces in time of war. Ben-Gurion’s strategy of securing their safety in case of war has been abandoned. This happened first in the border areas of the Galilee, then in the areas surrounding the Gaza Strip, then in all of southern Israel. At present all of Israel’s civilians have been allowed to become the first victims in case of terrorist rocket attacks or outright war.

During the First Lebanon War Israel decided to defeat the terrorists and brought about the expulsion of Yasser Arafat and his Palestine Liberation Organization forces from Lebanon. During the second intifada, in Operation Defensive Shield Israel chose to defeat the terrorists in Judea and Samaria. Even though it has been demonstrated that terrorists can be defeated, nevertheless deterrence, unilateral withdrawals and “land for peace” have become the strategy of choice, despite their proven shortcomings.

These strategies are carried out on the back of the civilian population. They have now become equal partners with the Israel Defense Forces in the war against Israel’s enemies. That is not the way it was supposed to be.


  1. Re: Your recent column on A7 "Learn from the Alinsyites"

    I just want to say THANK YOU for focusing on the nationalists’ side of the problem. The A7 disclaimer is a good sign! 🙂

    That one and other issues need more exposure:

    1) Israelis blurred vision when it comes to identifying unsuspected enemies (within their ranks, especially).

    Such as politicians and leaders who say all the right things but do not deliver.

    And those who regard themselves as community leaders but who actually mislead their people to facilitate government plans.

    2) Their own weaknesses in areas of organization and strategy (both non-existent, really).

    A fixation with old methods, such as Build-Build, although they know quite well that well-established communities are vulnerable to government bulldozers.

    Nationalists fail to realize that their leaders are diverting their energies from organization and political action into carpentry.

    3) Clinging to old myths – against stark evidence to the contrary – that authorities represent Israel’s best interests, rabbis are always right, and nationalist leaders with good track records are trustworthy.

    All those myths should have been debunked after the Gush Katif betrayal. But they were not.

    4) Too much attention to today’s headlines and not enough to the slow process of Arab takeover of Israel with the acquiescence of Israeli authorities. For example:

    Arab/Bedouin illegal constructions in Judea and Samaria and Negev are spreading like mushrooms. Yet authorities refuse to tear them down.

    It’s not fear of Arab violence, I’m sure of it. Letting them expand fits too well with the overall plan to empower Arabs and disempower the Jews.

    Unless Jews themselves denounce Arab illegal construction (as REGAVIM does), none of the authorities cares to enforce the law.

    Another example is the government chronic inaction regarding years of African infiltration into Israel. A growing African population also fits well with the general pattern of disempowering Jews.

    Incarcerating infiltrators instead of deporting them upon arrival is the government’s method of keeping Africans in Israel for future release on humanitarian grounds.

    Sorry I’ve gone on for too long, but i’m still seething at the latest appeal by NU MK Yaakov Katz to love and embrace the army when it arrives to expel Ulpana Jews.

    Something needs emergency fixing in the nationalist camp.

    Keep up the good work, David, and continue to post on INN, in spite of their editors’ disclaimers.



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