Israel and the Jews in the Schoolbooks of the Palestinian Authority

Introduction

What concepts and perceptions of Israel and the Jews has the Palestinian Authority taught Arab children in its territory since the adoption of the Oslo agreements? Can these perceptions and ideas serve as the basis for cultivating peaceful co-existence between Arabs and Jews? The response to these questions would appear to provide a window into the official political-cultural climate prevailing in the two entities. The adoption of the agreements between them was intended to serve as the basis for a peaceful settlement of their conflict.

A study of school textbooks cannot ascertain the nature of the attitudes and perceptions current among the general population, but it certainly can and does reflect the official policy that the government seeks to disseminate regarding its relationship with other social-political entities and their populations. In both Israel and the Palestinian Authority, a central educational authority must sanction textbooks, and in both instances a Ministry of Education actually authorizes the content of the textbooks employed in the public schools. (There is no private education in the PA territories and relatively few private schools in Israel, the majority of which belong to ultra-Orthodox groups).

The questions posed here are particularly significant in light of the long history of Arab anti-Jewish and anti-Israel acts as well as statements published in a wide variety of media over the past several decades. Researchers whose scholarly credentials and reputations for objectivity are beyond doubt (Bodansky, 1999; Harkabi, 1972; Lewis, 1984, 1986; Porat, Stauber & Vago, 1997; Yadlin, 1988) have documented the fiercely antagonistic views about Jews, Israel, and Zionism, current in many Arab nations, in addition to overt acts of hostility. A meaningful peace between Jews in the territory of Israel and Arabs in the territory now governed by the Palestinian Authority obviously demands a distinct change in official Palestinian political, social and cultural policy towards Israel and the Jews from the attitudes that have prevailed thus far.

That is one of the necessary conciliatory steps that must be taken, in addition to the cessation of overt acts of hostility, if the people of Israel are to consider the intentions of the Palestinians as directed toward peace.

The demonization of Jews and Israel, cultivated by the Arab nations for decades, should have been terminated immediately after the Oslo agreements (Stav,1996).

In many parts of the world, once warring nations negotiated the cessation of hostilities, the diabolical images of the enemy disseminated by official and non-official groups in each nation were abandoned. Indeed, the need for this change in socio-political-cultural policy was explicitly reiterated in the Wye River agreement with the PLO of October 1998, where it was generally acknowledged that similar proclamations agreed upon in the Oslo accords still await implementation.

Research on Political Socialization in the United States

An extensive research literature on the political socialization of children was published in the United States over the past three decades. At first blush it would seem that such a large body of knowledge could provide insight and theoretical direction for understanding the phenomena relating to the political education of children in the Palestinian Authority. Yet, several major differences between the social-political conditions reflected in the research literature in the United States and those prevailing in the Israel-Arab relationship must be emphasized.

First and foremost, the US research literature on the political socialization of children was generated in a democratic society.

True, not all of the investigators were uniformly satisfied with the effects of children’s political socialization in the family setting, in schools, or in peer groups, in terms of providing American society with a firm foundation for the intergenerational continuity of democracy (see, for example, Dennis, 1973; Greenstein, 1965; Hess & Torney, 1976).

Nevertheless, it is a monumental fact that the United States does not offer investigators examples of totalitarian political indoctrination of young people into a dominant and centrally determined political ideology.

Some researchers observed that the United States in general, apart from some radical fringe groups, was a remarkably a-ideological country and US citizens were singularly unconcerned with political ideology of any kind (Merelman, 1969).

The youth of the US express generally positive attitudes toward the government as benevolent and protective of human rights. Political cynicism, or a critical perspective on political institutions and leadership, does not emerge in children’s thinking until they are of high school age or older.

Another important feature is that US books on political socialization reporting theory and research reflect a geographical horizon limited to mainland United States.

What transpired elsewhere in the world is largely ignored, hardly even mentioned in passing. This state of affairs is particularly remarkable because social science research about political socialization of children and youth emerged following the second World War, long after the examples of Italian (Fascist), German (Nazi), Soviet (Communist) and Japanese political education had become known.

Consequently, rather than providing a basis for comprehending or explaining most of the important manifestations of political socialization, the horizons of the US research literature remained parochial.

This fact alone limits the scope of generalization that legitimately can be made from this body of knowledge because, ipso facto, it limits the variety of political and educational phenomena encompassed by this research.

Interestingly, a relatively recent text on political socialization written in Israel (Ichilov, 1984) is divided into two separate sections, one that surveyed the research literature from the US and UK, and the other that addressed the problems of Israel’s political system and of political socialization in Israel.

Apparently the author was convinced that, even though Israel is also a democracy, its political history and system were so unlike that of the United States, that it is patently unjustifiable to employ the existing research to explain the process of political socialization in Israel.

This conclusion is applicable, a fortiori, to understanding and explaining the political socialization in non-democratic regimes such as monarchies and dictatorships.

But, not only Germany, Italy, the former Soviet Union, and Japan – all of whom participated in WWII – are beyond the scope of most of the US research on political socialization. Equally so are the Moslem nations of the Middle East (most of whom are monarchies or religio-military dictatorships) whose social institutions and processes have rarely been studied by social scientists, and whose culture and society are described primarily by Orientalists or political scientists specializing in the relevant nations.

Their work is based on available documents or on a few direct observations, but not on systematic data that could be taken to represent the major trends of the society.

These nations simply have not cultivated the social sciences, nor do they sanction the use of Western systematic research.

Hence, there is as yet no reliable body of knowledge on which to base an analysis of the social processes in these countries, including the manifold phenomena of education. As a result, research on political socialization in the US has not been exposed to, or come to grips with, the two fundamental features of the political regime in the territory of the Palestinian Authority in particular, or found in most of the Arab nations of the Middle East in general, namely: a dictatorship or absolute monarchy coupled with the prevailing religious civilization of Islam.

The Sources Used for this Chapter

Several experts in the Arabic language examined 140 textbooks intended for all grades of public education (1 to 12) published by the Palestinian Authority’s Ministry of Education during the period of 1995 to 1998. Prior to that, during the period of 1993 to 1995, the PA followed the curricula of Egypt and Jordan.

The topics taught in these books are: Civics, Grammar, Literature, History, Geography and Islamic Studies.

The examiners made selections from peace-sensitive themes, and all selections are representative of a larger body of material with identical or similar messages.

None of the statements cited here appear only once in a given text.

All of them are repeated often in the same book and in most of the other textbooks as well. The quotations from the Palestinian schoolbooks cited here are only a few out of hundreds of statements collected. However, the material is so repetitive that even the relatively small selection of statements presented in this article suffices to convey both the tenor and substance of the entire collection.

Another source of information about Palestinian education employed in this article are the educational programs broadcast by the PA’s television station. The PA’s television is a division of the Authority’s Ministry of Education. Viewing of the programs broadcast during the period of March to August 1998 revealed that many of the messages appearing in the schoolbooks were repeated on the PA’s television.

No material was included in this article derived from classic Islamic sources even when they portray the Jews negatively. All quotations and references to textbooks refer to, or are taken from, contemporary publications of the Palestinian Authority.

Three Main Themes about Israel and Jews in the Schoolbooks of the PA

Three topics appear as central leitmotifs throughout the books that were examined. These themes emerge clearly from even a cursory reading of the texts. They are:

  1. A hostile portrayal of Jews, Judaism, Israel and Zionism;
  2. The call for jihad and martyrdom against Israel and its people in order to reconquer all of Palestine for Islam;
  3. A radical revision of history denying the relationship between Jewry and the land of Israel, affirming the Arabs’ ownership of the territory of Israel since pre-Biblical times.

1. Hostility Towards the Jews

Hostility toward Israel, the Jews, Judaism and Zionism permeates the PA’s schoolbooks. The schoolchildren in the Palestinian Authority are actively taught that the Jews and Israel are the enemy. They are the enemy of the Arabs, of Islam, of believers, and of people in general since the Jews are evil and dangerous. They are killers and robbers, and have stolen Arab land. Zionism is a synonym for Nazism, both of which are the prototype of racism. The Jews hate Moslems (from the text: Our Arabic Language, Part 2, 3rd grade, #523, p. 9), they have killed and evicted the Moslem and Christian inhabitants of Palestine. Those Arabs who remain (in Israel) still suffer oppression and persecution under Jewish racist administration (Islamic Education, 9th grade, #589, p. 182). “One must beware of the Jews for they are treacherous and disloyal.” (Islamic Education, 9th grade, p. 79). “The clearest examples of racist belief and racial discrimination in the world are Nazism and Zionism.” (The New History of the Arabs and the World, p. 123). “Zionism is a political, aggressive and colonialist movement, which calls for the Judaization of Palestine by the expulsion of its Arab inhabitants… “(Modern Arab History and Contemporary Problems, Part 2, 10th grade, #613, p. 49). “Jewish gangs waged racial cleansing wars against innocent Palestinians… large scale appalling massacres saving no women or children.” (PA television, May 14, 1998).

One final quotation concludes this section on the teaching of hostility toward the Jews.

Mankind has suffered from this evil both in ancient as well as in modern times, for, indeed, Satan has, in the eyes of many people, made their evil actions appear beautiful until they thought that their race was the best of all, and their kind better than all others, and that other people are their slaves and do not reach their level. Such a people are the Jews. (Islamic Education, 8th grade, #523, p. 9).

2. Jihad and Martyrdom: The Moslem “Children’s Crusade”

Jihad and martyrdom are central to an understanding of the entire political orientation of Palestinian education regarding the Jews, and indeed of education in other Arab countries as well. Turning first to jihad, it can be noted that there are different kinds of jihad but the highest level and most frequently stressed meaning is the jihad (Holy War) that involves risking one’s own life, as the following quotations from the textbook on Islam for the 7th grade explains unequivocally:

Jihad involving risk of one’s life: This is by fighting enemies and standing firm against them in wars and battles. This is the highest level of jihad because the jihad fighter sacrifices himself for Allah’s way and for his religion, and to defend the Islamic nation.. (Islamic Education, 7th grade, p. 107).

… if the enemy has conquered part of its (Muslim) land and those fighting for it are unable to repel the enemy, then jihad becomes the individual religious duty of every Muslim man and woman, until the attack shall have been successfully repulsed and the land liberated from conquest and Muslim honor satisfied. (Ibid., p. 108).

The reference in these quotations to an enemy who conquered Muslim land is to Israel as the conqueror of Palestine, and the name Palestine refers to all of Israel, not just to the territory presently controlled by the PA. In a textbook called Geography of the Arab Homeland directed at the 6th grade, there are 19 maps where present day Israel is marked “Palestine” (see pp. 12, 20, 23, 36, 48, 50, 53, 55, 61, 66, 72, 73, 75, 80, 81, 88, 90, 115, 124).

Maps of the Middle East in which Israel does not exist and its area is marked as “Palestine” appear 11 times in the textbook called Social and National Education directed at the 5th grade (part A #549, see pp. 81, 84, 88, 89, 103, 107, 109, 110, 120, 122, 124). The children in the PA schools are being taught to prepare themselves for armed warfare against Israel as the enemy, and that the Jews residing within the present borders of Israel are designated as the objects of jihad, namely, targets to be killed! To dispel any doubt about the meaning and object of jihad and what is taught to schoolchildren in the PA, we quote the following poem which was read aloud from a schoolbook by a young girl attending a PA summer camp and broadcast on the PA’s official television on May 14, 1998 (and repeated on other days as well):

My brothers! The oppressors have overstepped the boundary. Therefore jihad and sacrifice are a duty… are we to let them steal its Arab nature… Draw your sword… let us gather for war with red blood and blazing fire… Death shall call and the sword shall be crazed from much slaughter… Oh Palestine, the youth will redeem your land…

The parallel between this “poem” and many school texts employed by German educators during the Nazi period is striking. The following lines are taken from a poem that appeared in the journal called Der Jungman published in 1942 at an elite school in Germany named Napoli that supplied a large number of trainees for the SS:

Paradise lies in the shadow of the sword, Courage is more than the power of the sword… No man sees the struggle, which I initiate with steel blades Effeminate is the man who does not fight with Weapons which he holds in his hands etc… (quoted from Blackburn, 1985, pp. 136-137)

The Martyr Fights for Allah The second term to be examined is martyrdom, which is part of jihad (although not every act of jihad ends in martyrdom). Great importance is attached to the religious duty fulfilled by someone who dies fighting for Islam, and on the enormous reward provided by Allah that awaits him/her in Paradise. Again, the following quotations from PA textbooks are unambiguous: Martyrdom is when a Muslim is killed for the sake of Allah… A person who dies thus is called a “Martyr” (Shahid)… Martyrdom for Allah is the hope of all those who believe in Allah and have trust in His promises… The Martyr rejoices in the paradise that Allah has prepared for him… (Islamic Education for Seventh Grade, #564, p. 112).

The Muslim sacrifices himself for his faith and fights a jihad for Allah. He does not know cowardice because he understands that the time of his death is already ordained and that his dying as a Martyr on the field of battle is preferable to dying in bed… (Islamic Education for Eighth Grade, #576, p. 176).

“Song of the Martyr” (a poem to be learned by heart)

I shall take my soul in my hand And hurl it into the abyss of death (in war)… Upon your life, I see my death and am marching speedily towards it Upon your life, this is the death of men And he who seeks an honorable death – this is that death.: (Our Arabic Language for Fifth Grade, #542, p. 60), (Guide for Improving Arabic Language for Twelfth Grade, #719, p. 84), (PA television May 22, 1998).

Teaching Children Self-Immolation for God and Country

The emphasis placed by the PA on jihad and martyrdom is not confined to lessons taught in school through books. Summer camps under the auspices of the PLO before the establishment of the PA, and now under the Palestinian Authority were, and are, military training installations commanded by officers in the PLO, as they have been for the past twenty years. Hundreds of boys aged 10 to 15 (contrary to a written order to induct only children aged 12 or above!) were trained by the PLO to operate rocket propelled grenades. During the Lebanese war these boys became known as the “RPG kids” (Israeli, 1983, 222-225). Hundreds others learned to use Kalashnikov automatic rifles, which, on more than a few occasions, they fired into their own school classrooms. The Israel army arrested over 200 of these boys during the Lebanese war and released them shortly afterwards.

Self-immolation in pursuit of a cause considered to be sacred, either because of its origin in holy writ, as a form of protest (such as Bhuddist monks during the Vietnamese war), or in deference to a powerful monarch, is certainly not unknown in history. Yet, the phenomenon of suicide squads whose main mode of operation is to harm an enemy through their own death, has not been widespread heretofore. However pathological the educational indoctrination of the Hitler Jugend in Nazi Germany, or the Komsomol in the Soviet Union, (whose juvenile members were prepared to spy and inform on their own parents and thus bring about their ruin or even death) those countries did not really brainwash their own young children to immolate themselves while they were still children as an act of patriotism, although they committed many acts of violence (Blackburn, 1985). Nor were they ordered as children to confront armed soldiers by pelting them with rocks while their fathers remained in hiding, as was the case during the Palestinian uprising (intifada) against Israel, and as is still practiced by the Palestinians after the Oslo and Wye River agreements.

In the modern world, the primary examples of religious and/or patriotic self-sacrifice are from the Far East. Two famous examples of children exploited as warriors who committed extreme acts of cruelty, albeit in different forms, are the Red Brigades of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (their average age was reported to be about 14 years old), and the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. The 12 to 14 year olds of the Red Brigades reportedly caused the death of over 40 thousand intellectuals in China. The Khmer Rouge trained tens of thousands of young people to serve as soldiers whose extreme cruelty in exterminating vast numbers (reports vary from one to two million) of their own countrymen is one of the bloodcurdling atrocities of the post WWII era. Only severe ideological blindness can ignore or underestimate the potential impact of long years of indoctrination by a propaganda driven state “education” on the lives of its young victims, and what they, in turn, will be capable of doing, indeed eager to do, when the opportunity arises.

(I’m not sure that William Golding thought of this eventuality when he wrote The Lord of the Flies, but it is consistent with his book.) There is more than ample evidence to demonstrate the effectiveness of prolonged exposure to propaganda on children and adults. Analysts of propaganda, some of whom are sophisticated observers of human behavior, have already identified the critical components of effective persuasion, however false the content of the message may be, and we need not repeat their contributions here (Ekman, 1992; Milgram, in press; Pratkanis & Aronson, 1991).

We are attempting to point out some of the relatively unique characteristics of the Palestinian Authority’s particular brand of political education.

The closest precedent to the Palestinian indoctrination of school-aged children for jihad and martyrdom is the Japanese kamikaze pilots of WWII. They sought to inflict maximum damage on an enemy they knew was of superior strength, and they knew too that, in the larger scheme of things, their mission was ultimately of no avail. Nevertheless the kamikaze considered the mission that inevitably entailed their personal death to be sacred, as it intended to restore some of the lost honor of the Emperor and of Japan. Hence it was motivated by the powerful combination of both religious and national (not personal) factors. A noted Israeli Orientalist and political commentator on Islamic affairs (Israeli, 1997), writing about the Japanese (Kamikaze) and Islamic forms of political suicide, as distinct from personal suicide (Hara-kiri), suggested the term “Islamikaze” and charted the sources and development of this movement. It emerged in pre-Taliban Afghanistan, during the Russian occupation, where it now enjoys considerable support from the authorities. Some indication of the consequences of this development — probably with more events of this kind in the offing — became evident in the damage inflicted on US installations in Africa. However, use of the title Islamikaze does not imply that the Japanese kamikaze actually served as a conscious precedent for the Palestinian Arabs and the training of children to admire killing and strive to be terrorists.

The Islamic Version of Education for Terrorism

The Islamic version of education for terrorism also shares with the Japanese kamikaze the feature of public admiration and sanction for their sacrifice. There are, of course, several differences, the first of which is that the Japanese kamikaze were older than the Arab schoolchildren and were trained pilots in the Japanese airforce. Second, the bodies of the kamikaze pilots were not recovered, so the public acclaim showered on the pilots was demonstrated before their deaths, and in respect to the families of the fallen men.

The children in the Palestinian Authority witness many public funerals of slain terrorists and other rituals where the main theme is support for terrorism against Jews and Israel, in addition to proclaiming the glory of the terrorists. Funerals of young men killed in the pursuit of their missions, including those killed when their dynamite exploded while they were preparing bombs, are accompanied by a huge entourage. Large pictures of the deceased are displayed and their deeds extolled. The atmosphere of these frequent public funerals is charged with high-pitched emotions, loud wailing and chorus-like chanting of fierce threats to the Zionist enemy, to Israel and to Jews. Often the same threats are voiced against the United States as well, and there is the inevitable burning of the flags of the two countries (Israel and the US). Japanese children were not “socialized” into the role of kamikaze by constant exposure to the public display of admiration for the dead kamikaze pilots accompanied by thunderous threats hurled at the US. Furthermore, all during the years of the intifada, up to and including this very day, there have been numerous incidents of Arabs stoning Jews who unhappily found themselves driving through territory governed by the PA: They were, and are, attacked by small bands, or by large crowds, of rock throwing juveniles (and young men in their early twenties). Sometimes these attacks end in death for the Jews, sometimes they manage to escape with wounds of varying severity. This public drama makes a powerful impression on young children of all ages whose daily schooling provides the background for understanding and accepting the bloody spectacle they see so often before their very eyes. What should be noted is the fact that, as best we know at this time, these violent events involving severe physical harm to people, with much blood pouring from them, do not appear to constitute a trauma for the young onlookers or participants precisely because they have been cognitively and emotionally prepared for them. What to other youngsters without previous indoctrination would be a shocking experience, the Palestinian children and youth (we will never know how many) rationalize and accept these events as legitimate and normative. This is especially true since these acts are carried out with total peer sanction and support as part of a gang or crowd. The psychological consequences of these experiences apparently are not traumatic for youth in the PA, but rather they are assimilated into their character type, becoming part of the personality, with an increase in aggressiveness and hostility toward others. There are few signs so far of intra-personal conflicts resulting from these events that ordinarily, under different circumstances, could produce psycho-pathological symptoms or other forms of distress or disabled functioning. (Macksoud, Dyregrov & Raundalen, 1993). This topic deserves serious investigation.

Most important, these acts of extreme violence are carried out in the name of God. A discussion of the role of religion in general, and specifically in the modern era, in providing justification for murder and violence of all kinds cannot be undertaken here. As noted earlier, Islam is not alone in exploiting children as cannon fodder, such as was done on a grand scale by Iran in its war with Iraq. Nevertheless, it is deeply distressing to observe that, at the end of the 20th century, after all that has happened in the recent past, the God of one of the world’s great monotheistic religions is invoked by its devotees to consecrate acts of murder by young children who are taught to cry out “Allah Akhbar” (Allah is Great) when smashing the head of their victim with a huge rock! (Stav, 1989). “For God and country” is a battle cry that is no longer trumpeted in our time… or at least, so some people thought! Journalists asked some of these teenagers why they throw huge rocks at a private automobile driven by a Jewish man inside territory already evacuated by Israel and now governed by the Palestinian Authority?

The youths’ response, seen and heard on television, is that they, the Arab youth, suffered previously at the hands of the Israelis and they are justified in expressing their rage now at this Jew who was driving his car in their territory! One youth said during a TV interview that the attack on the driver of a private automobile was carried out on “orders from above”. Palestinian Arab youth are primed to carry out acts of violence, even murder, against defenseless people. Their “conscience” is clean while the victim is the guilty one, and the adults who ordered this atrocity remain anonymous.

One final quotation from a PA schoolbook reads like a preamble to the bloody spectacle seen recently on television (December 2, 1998):

The first words the young boy heard were the words “jihad”, “attack” and “conquest”… These words were constantly on his lips… (The boy) Uqba grew up with the love of jihad flowing through his veins and filling every fiber of his being… For him no joy equaled that of taking part in jihad… Nothing gave him pleasure but the sight of swords and spears shining in the hands of the fighting horsemen. Nothing was pleasing to his ear but the sound of the horses charging into battle and nothing gave him joy but the sight of the enemy lying dead on the battlefield, or defeated and fleeing for their lives. Uqba showed heroism and courage… attacking them from his horse and hacking the enemy soldiers to pieces, coming down on them blow after blow, crushing their skulls… (Uqba bin Nafi’, or The Conqueror of Africa, 6th grade, #700, pp. 6 to 7, 43, 93, 96)

The Martyr’s Reward in Paradise

There is one more feature of jihad and martyrdom that provides a powerful incentive for the youth to strive to participate in armed war against Israel and Jews as an ideal in life. That feature is the nature of the personal reward they will receive in Paradise. Of course, only the elite will be chosen to progress from the level of a soldier in the jihad, with possible martyrdom, to the level of being a member of the Islamikaze suicide squads. However, that topic is beyond the scope of this chapter since it is not related directly to the subject of school based indoctrination by the PA. Nevertheless, the fact that the soldier of jihad will be rewarded in Paradise if he dies for Islam is repeated frequently in the schoolbooks, and the nature of this reward is not an incidental matter. Based on a variety of original sources, Professor Israeli described the nature of this reward as follows:

In the popular image of the Moslem Paradise, the martyr can enjoy unlimited sex with the virgin girls of Paradise. Some say that there will be 70 young women for every man. After each act of love making, the girl’s virginity is miraculously restored in order to provide the martyr with virginal sexual gratification. The same is true for the consumption of alcohol, the second major prohibition of Moslem society… which will flow freely. (Israeli, 1997, p. 73, note 21).

Public acclaim, a non-ending orgy of sex and all the booze you can drink, constitute a powerful combination of incentives for igniting the imagination and motivation of pubescent youth, aged 12 and up. Along with the emotionally charged scenes of actually stoning Jews and Jewish property, what more is needed to convince them that killing Jews is a worthy and honorable vocation? The PA is certainly preparing a huge army for the future that, socially and psychologically, will be trained to commit unmitigated violence against Israel and the Jewish People on behalf of Islam, the Arabs and Palestine. As already pointed out, the effectiveness of this early and prolonged indoctrination of school aged children is beyond doubt, nor can this policy of indoctrination be reconciled with the proclaimed desire to achieve peace with Israel.

3. Arab Revision of History

Diplomats, political scientists and others concerned with international relations frequently choose to ignore the historical dimension of conflicts between groups or nations since, obviously, history is not subject to manipulation in the present in order to reach solutions to conflicts. Some authors assert that our so-called post-modern era has sloughed off history to live “better” in the here and now. Nevertheless, the parties to inter-national conflicts often derive their identity, and hence their tie to their claims, on the basis of their historical traditions. Parties to territorial or cultural conflicts are frequently eager to anchor their claims in historical precedent, which carries deep significance for those involved. So much so, that when such legitimacy appears to be weak or lacking, groups may revise or fabricate the historical record to make it appear as if their legitimacy is in fact historically founded, or to attribute their historical legitimacy to factors that heretofore were not recognized as related to the group in question. Historical revisionism thereby serves the twofold purpose of de-legitimizing a given group and attributing legitimacy to another (or to one’s own) group at one and the same time.

The Palestinian Authority’s schoolbooks present to its pupils a far-reaching revision of history that virtually erases Jews from all connection with the land of Israel that is not negative. They also fabricate viciously racist statements that are attributed to classical Jewish sources such as the Talmud, much along lines of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion that has served anti-Semites for close to two centuries, including, but not restricted to, Hitler and Stalin. These fabricated statements, allegedly formulated some 1400 years ago (the Talmud was completed around the beginning of the 7th century) in Babylonia, are then cited as reflecting the views of contemporary Jews. Many readers apparently remain unaware of the bizarre mental acrobatics inherent in these accusations.

Simultaneously, the Jews are summarily de-legitimized: they are not a nation, they allegedly fabricated and falsified their ancient and modern history, and by so doing, they denied the historicity of the Arab claims to Palestine based on their descent from the Jebusites who lived in ancient Canaan.

The Moslem claim that the Jews falsified Scripture is a relatively ancient phenomenon that emerged early in the history of Islam (Lewis, 1984). The schoolchildren in the PA learn that it begins with the Biblical story of Abraham:

Abraham was a Moslem monotheist and was not from among the idolaters. (Islamic Education, 5th grade, #540, p. 143).

Allah sent Moses to his people and sent down to them the Book of the Torah… However, later the Israelites rebelled against their Lord and distorted His book. They argued and corrupted the land, and Allah, therefore, threatened them with torments of the Day of Judgement. (Islamic Education, 6th grade, #551, pp. 31-32). Dear pupil. Do you know who the Palestinians are? The Palestinian people are descended from the Canaanites. (National Palestinian Education, 5th grade, #550, p. 19).

Israel (of the Bible)… dwelled near Yemen… Their original religion in the days of our master Moses… it is strange that the Torah does not give it a name, and I almost dare say, it is Islam… Mt. Sinai is Mt. Sinin in Yemen… today’s Jews have no (biological) connection to the Israelites. (Palestine: History and Tradition, PA television, May 26, 1998).

Jerusalem is a Palestinian Arab city, and it has no connection to Israel. (PA television, May 24, 1998: Abd al-Rachman, PA official).

Jerusalem is an ancient Arab city built by the Jebusite Arabs before Islam… (Islamic Culture, 8th grade, #576, p. 50).

Exercise: Distinguish between verb and noun clauses. “The land is our land and Jerusalem is ours.” (Our Arabic Language, 5th grade, #542, p. 74).

The Jews have clear greedy designs on Jerusalem. They believe that their state is not complete without Jerusalem as its capital, which is what they claim. The proof of this is that their Minister of Defense declared on the third day of the war of 1967, together with the Prime Minister, when both of them were standing by “el-Buraq” which they call the Western Wall: “We have returned to you, Jerusalem, and we shall never part from you again. You are not just the capital of ‘Israel’ but the capital of the entire Jewish People.”… Thus do the Jews conspire, before the eyes and ears of the Arabs and the Moslems. What can we do to rescue Jerusalem and to liberate it from the thieving enemy… ? (Reader and Literary Texts, 8th grade, #578, pp. 96, 99).

Finally, the PA falsely attributes the following quotation to classic sources of Judaism (though no such statement existed prior to its invention by the PA):

It is mentioned in the Talmud: “We (the Jews) are God’s people on earth… (God) forced upon the human animal and upon all nations and the races that they serve us, and He spread us through the world to ride on them and hold their reigns. We must marry our beautiful daughters with kings, ministers and lords and enter our sons into various religions, thus, we will have the final word in managing the countries. We should cheat them (the non-Jews) and arouse quarrels among them, then they fight each other… Non Jews are pigs who God created in the shape of man in order that they be fit for service for the Jews, and God created the world for them (the Jews).” (The New History of the Arabs and the World, p. 120)

Islam versus Judaism and the West

Many of the statements found in these texts mention Palestine, invariably referring to all of present day Israel. However, it is abundantly clear that the overall context of the jihad against the Jews and against Israel is the more fundamental war between Islam and the Moslems against Israel and the Jews, not just the conflict between the Palestinian Arabs and Israelis. Indeed, it is a war between Islam and Judaism, and even a war between Islam and the entire Western world. The PA textbooks are careful to avoid stating explicitly that this war includes the Christians and the Christian nations. On the contrary, an effort is made to mention Christians now and then in a positive light despite the frequent sweeping denunciation of Western civilization as if it excluded the Christians. Here are a few typical citations:

Remember: The final and inevitable result (of jihad) will be victory of the Moslems over the Jews. (Our Arabic Language, 5th grade, p. 67). This religion will defeat all other religions and it will be disseminated, by Allah’s will, through the Muslim jihad fighters. (Islamic Education, 7th grade, p. 125).

In the present period, which exceeds all previous periods in the material and scientific advances taking place, social, psychological and medical scientists in the West are perplexed by the worrying increase in the number of people suffering from nervous disorders… and the statistics from America in this matter are a clear indication of this… There is no escape from (the need for) a new civilization… The Western world is not capable of fulfilling this role… There is only one nation capable of discharging this task and that is our nation (Islam)… We do not claim that the collapse of Western civilization, and the transfer of the center of civilization to us (Islam) will happen in the next decade or two or even in fifty years, for the rise and fall of civilizations follow natural processes… Nevertheless (Western civilization) has begun to collapse and to become a pile of debris. (Some Outstanding Examples of our Civilization, 11th grade, pp. 3, 12, 16).

The Jews adopted a position of hostility and deception towards the new religion (Islam). They called Muhammad a liar and denied him, they fought against his religion in all ways and by all means, a war that has not yet ended until today, and they conspired with the hypocrites and the idolaters against him and they are still behaving in the same way… (Islamic Education, 7th grade, #564, p. 123, 125).

Arab Propaganda is Anti-Semitic, Not Anti-Zionist as Claimed

The quotations cited above embody several basic features of Arab hostility toward the Jews, including the reference to the Jews’ role in ancient history which the Arabs’ have traditionally denounced because the Biblical stories do not corroborate Islam’s claim to have inherited Abraham’s legacy. This sweeping denunciation of the Jews encompasses all of known history, and is uttered allegedly in the name of all humanity. Obviously, such a stance has little to do with Zionism and everything to do with an inveterate anti-Semitism that is being passed on unchanged to all Arab children from an early age in the territory of the Palestinian Authority, just as it appeared in the publications and media of many Arab nations for decades (Harkabi, 1972). In light of these and many similar statements made throughout the PA’s books for schoolchildren, it is patently contradictory for the PA to claim that it opposes Zionism and is not anti-Semitic (Israeli, 2000; Wistrich, 1985).

These statements confirm once again, if confirmation is still needed, that the anti-Zionist orientation of the Arabs, of the PLO, and of the other Arab terrorists groups, was only a thin camouflage to veil a more basic anti-Jewish animosity during this entire century. Again, this orientation stems from a long history of enmity between Islam and the Jews, which may have been relatively benign or latent in some periods, but burst out in violence in others. Anti-Zionism has become a convenient code to replace the less palatable term anti-Semitism (Lewis, 1984, 1986; Wistrich, 1985).

Palestinian Reaction to the Quotations from the Schoolbooks

In an interview with an Israeli journalist, the head of the Palestinian Broadcasting Corporation, Mr. Radwan Abu Ayyash, commented on the large collection of quotations from the PA’s schoolbooks compiled and made available by the Jerusalem-based Palestine Media Watch. As reported by Isabel Kershner, writing in The Jerusalem Report of December 21 (1998), he said, inter alia:

If some sheikh says live on TV that all Israelis should be thrown into the sea, what can I do? Cut off his tongue?… I can’t change the hearts, the brains, the language of my people. I can’t make them fall in love by force. We are journalists, mirrors, reflectors. I’m not here to lie, or to make propaganda. (p. 32).

The Palestinian Authority TV director’s response to the mass of quotations from current schoolbooks is, of course, a skillful avoidance of the issue. It is precisely the official policy of the government that is reflected in the books that all children in school must read, not the sentiments of the population or of any particular individual, in Israel or in the PA’s territory. At the outset of this article we explicitly disclaimed the assumption that a review of textbooks informs us about the ideas, attitudes or feelings of the general population. Mr. Abu Ayyash was certainly aware of that fact when he skirted the question and disingenuously claimed that the quotations, in the schoolbooks as well as those made by children (often reading from those books) on the PA’s television, were expressions of popular opinion about which he can do nothing. Whether the quotations express popular opinion or not is irrelevant.

The point of the entire matter is that the Oslo and Wye River agreements refer to the nature of official policy that the PA undertook to disseminate among the Palestinian Arabs in its territory through official media. Among these media are included the textbooks used in the schools, the radio, television and newspapers. These media are under direct control of government agencies in the PA, they are not privately owned corporations that enjoy protection under a bill of rights or any other law. What they express is government policy, not personal opinion. No one would assert that every citizen of Israel loves the Palestinian Arabs. I would venture to guess that not many Jews in Israel entertain illusions about the feelings of the Arabs in the Palestinian Authority for the Jews. Yet, investigators would search in vain in official publications in Israel and/or of the Israel government, for any expression of hostility toward Arabs anywhere, of the kind found in the schoolbooks of the PA. The assertion made by Abu Ayyash that the television is a reflection of popular sentiments, is a transparent attempt to deny responsibility for what is published and broadcast in the name of the Palestinian Authority. That and other attempts to avoid the truth cannot obscure the basic fact that the Palestinian Authority’s own “educational” doctrine allows for no room in the territory known before 1948 as Palestine, and now known as Israel and the territories of the Palestinian Authority, for the Jews and Palestinian Arabs to live side by side without expecting perpetual warfare.

Israel’s Educational Policy Regarding the Palestinians Following the Oslo Agreement

Israel’s official educational policy never sought to indoctrinate children with any ideology that expressed animosity toward any nation or religion, the Arabs and Islam included. However, I leave that subject for others to investigate and to report their findings as they see them. Here I will concentrate on Israel’s official educational policy immediately following the Oslo accords. Israel (population just over 6 million) has a centralized educational system controlled by one Ministry of Education. The executive director of the Ministry regularly issues a circular setting policy on a wide variety of topics for all of the schools in the nation. This circular is to be found in every school and in the hands of each and every school principal. Some of the guidelines for behavior appearing in this circular are in the form of suggestions regarding which school principals retain a degree of discretion as to their adoption. Other provisions are in the form of requirements that the principal is legally bound to implement. Every year a topic is determined by the Ministry called “The Central Topic” about which a special circular is issued. All schools are asked to discuss that topic throughout the year with the students, often during a particular class session called “the educator’s hour” or “the social hour”, by which is meant one hour during a week devoted to a topic affecting society at large. Often, though not always, it is “The Central Topic”.

In May 1994, the executive director of the Israel Ministry of Education issued a circular entitled “The Central Topic for 1995: ‘The Peace Process – Israel in the Middle East’, General Guidelines” (Executive Director’s Special Circular, 1994). Similar topics, such as “Democracy” and “Respect for Others”, were announced for succeeding years. These circulars are in the public domain and available in Israel’s main libraries for anyone to read, as well as in all of the schools. A short overview of the general direction and tenor of this particular (1994) circular follows, including several direct quotations:

Peace is a broad topic, but the primary purpose of proclaiming this subject as the year’s “Central Topic” is to undertake an in-depth discussion and exploration of the process of achieving peace with the Palestinians and with the Arab nations. What will Israel and the Middle East look like in an era of peace? In these discussions, care must be taken to distinguish between the Arabs of Israel (i. e. Arab citizens of Israel), Palestinian Arabs, and the Arabs of each and every Arab nation surrounding Israel and with whom there are now, or will be in the future, negotiations for achieving a peace agreement. The achievement of such agreements is to be presented as an existential need and goal of Israel. Students should understand that disagreements between Israel and the Arab nations are legitimate.

The overriding goal is to cultivate a tolerant citizen, aware of the values of peace, sensitive, attentive, involved, knowledgeable and one with a political perspective that is supported by well-grounded reasoning, one who can conduct a cultured dialogue with those who disagree with his/her perspective, and to develop empathy and understanding, without necessarily reaching agreement, for those with different ideas. (p. 8).

The circular goes on to explain to teachers the need for emphasizing the benefits of peace to both Arabs and Israel from social, economic and cultural points of view. Teachers should emphasize the democratic aspects of the peace process, such as accepting the decision of the majority of the population regarding peace, the need for expressing dissent through accepted channels only, the basic rights of each and every person, etc. Israel has begun a process of peace negotiations with groups that thus far have been its sworn enemies. That process could possibly change the political status quo that prevailed in the region heretofore.

Teachers and students alike are undergoing change that is necessary for adapting to the new situation. In particular, students must learn to accept the need for political compromises, and to appreciate the need for “empathy… toward the Arabs with whom Israel is negotiating peace”. (p. 11).

“There is an objective difficulty in the degree to which Israelis are prepared to establish close relations with Arabs and to trust them.” (p. 13). Teachers must help students overcome such difficulties after years of war and terrorism.

This summary of Israel’s official educational response to the Oslo agreement conveys the depth of the chasm between the official educational policies of the Palestinian Authority and of Israel. Obviously the two policies derive from totally different belief systems, as well as reflecting fundamentally incompatible intentions as far as the nature of peace between Arabs and Jews is concerned. This state of affairs begs the question: How long can this asymmetrical set of expectations persist? How long can the Israel public maintain its striving for rapprochement with the Palestinian Arabs in the face of such brute hatred and rejection? Will the Arab media really change their attitudes and depiction of Jews and Israel? Some social-science investigators in Israel claim that stereotypes of Arabs found in children’s literature in Israel theoretically could ultimately lead to violence against Arabs. These researchers are curiously silent about the presence and effects of relentless and flagrant incitement of Arab children and youth by the Palestinian Authority and by various Arab nations to mercilessly slaughter Jews. Will the political socialization of children and propaganda among the adult population continue as it is now, while Israel will be expected to ignore these facts and pursue a unilateral policy of peace (which, of course, is a contradiction in terms)? It seems that Israel is being browbeaten into submission by the Western powers upon whom Israel relies for its survival, and who are largely indifferent to the price Israel pays now, and will pay in the future, for these agreements with the Palestinian Arabsn

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“Peace Now” Delegation Visits with Arafat

At 11:30 a.m. yesterday, an assistant to PA Chairman Yasser Arafat came into his office in Gaza, carrying a small note. Arafat, without glasses, carefully read the note. Then he turned the note over and placed it on the table. He did not want the contents of the note, regarding the death of the Romanian workers at the Kissufim border crossing, to cast a shadow on the meeting with the four Meretz MKs which was then in session.

Yesterday was a full day for Arafat in terms of Israeli issues. In the morning, he spoke with Yossi Beilin, and discussed the phrasing of a joint Israeli-Palestinian position paper, of Beilin’s school of thought.

After Beilin, the Meretz MKs arrived: Avshalom Vilan, Anat Maor, Mossi Raz and Hosniya Jabarra. Yisraela Porush, the secretary of the kibbutz of Nahal Oz which was recently hit by mortar shells, joined the meeting, as did I.

“The Israelis are making me tired,” complained Arafat. “I didn’t sleep last night. I’d finished working in my office at 1:00 a.m. and had just returned home when the phone was already ringing. Mohammed Dahlan was on the other end of the line and he told me of the Israeli shelling on Rafah. This was after 48 hours without Palestinian shooting, and suddenly, an attack.”

Twenty minutes after the Meretz MKs left, along with me, the time had come for a message from Sharon which took the form of a missile attack on the building of the general security forces and Fatah headquarters in Gaza.

I got an urgent phone call from Brig. Gen. Usama Ali, the chairman of the High Commission for Security Coordination in Gaza. “I’m phoning you so that you can hear the missiles exploding,” he yelled. “This craziness, shelling in broad daylight! Without warning! This is crazy.”

Arafat is in distress. The economic situation is difficult. “It has been nine months that Israel hasn’t released the monies owed us. With what am I supposed to pay Nabil, Nabil and Nabil,” he asked, referring to the three “Nabils” sitting beside him, Nabil Shaath, Nabil Abu Rudeineh and Nabil Amar.

He is also in diplomatic distress. “I am looking for any way to save the peace process,” he claimed. “We have to work hard together to stop the violence. I sent Saeb Erekat and Nabil Shaath to meet Shimon Peres. They talked and talked, and finally Peres said, ‘I have no mandate,’ and the talks were stopped. Now the Egyptian-Jordanian proposal is on the table. Also the Mitchell Committee Report is on the table. I’m prepared to begin the negotiations anywhere – in Washington, the Security Council, Sharm el-Sheikh, Paris or Rome. We have to move forward.

Yisraela Porush reminded Arafat: “You are firing mortars at my house, and I’ve still come to talk about peace.”

Hearing this, he jumped up from his seat: “We are firing mortars? The people who are firing are the people that Yitzhak Shamir, your former prime minister, trained, gave them power, gave them weapons.” He did not say the name Hamas explicitly, but it was clear he was referring to that organization: “They are firing, and now they continue to get arms and money from Iran.”

Yisraela Porush kept at it: “So how do we get out of this vicious circle? This is like kindergarten, each one blaming the next one.” Instead of an answer, Arafat chose a defensive tack: “Shells were also fired at my house.”

Porush was still not convinced: “Mr. President, God has given you the key to peace. What are you doing with the key?” And Arafat answered evasively: “I can’t find the door.”

The visitors would not let up. “And still, how can the shooting be stopped?” asked MK Vilan. “Go ask Amnon Shahak,” answered Arafat. “He sat here with me in Gaza, we decided how to stop the shooting, how to stop all the provocations. And then Sharon came. He, Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Shaul Mofaz and Defense Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezer admitted they gave a free hand to the commanders of the sectors to operate and initiate operations.”

“I want to ask the Israelis,” added Arafat, and requested that I take this down: “Would you be prepared for me to give my officers a free hand to operate? I didn’t and I won’t give such instructions, because it’s dangerous.”

This answer did not satisfy Anat Maor who asked: “Children are being killed, babies in Khan Yunis and children in Tekoa. The violence must be stopped.” And then Arafat got angry and claimed with regard to the Tekoa murder: “Israel has officially notified us that it has not yet been proven that this is a terrorist act and that it is possible it was criminal activity.”

He also shook off the Katyusha boat captured by the Navy earlier this week. “This is not a good sign for the future,” he said. “This was the initiative not only of Syria, but of other Islamic countries as well. We have to stop these phenomena at once, otherwise the whole region will be destroyed.”

Arafat concluded and left the stage for his assistants sitting beside him in the room. Mohammed Dahlan, Head of Preventive Security Service in Gaza said: “Two or three days ago, we wanted to get the mortar operators out of the field, but your regiment commanders didn’t agree. They wanted to do the job themselves.”

The cabinet secretary of the Palestinian parliament, Ahmed Abdul Rahman said: “With Sharon and Uzi Landau one can’t make peace. Seven ministers in Sharon’s cabinet said Arafat is a terrorist and should be killed. What peace are you talking about? You want two countries – the State of Israel and a state for the settlers. In Netzarim for example there are only 26 families.” Arafat was quick to correct him: “Nine, only nine families,” he said and held up nine fingers

And Dahlan did not hesitate to declare: “I will not arrest even one Hamas man as long as the construction continues in the settlements. I once fought Palestinians to protect people like you, now I’m not ready to do so any more.”

This article appeared in Yediot Aharonot on May 12, 2001

Fatah Tanzim Terrorize Palestinian Arab Citizens in Bethlehem and Beit Jalah

Israel Radio reported today that Israeli security sources say Palestinian Arabs living in Bethlehem and Beit Jalah are so frustrated with the reign of terror they are subjected to by Yasser Arafat’s Fatah Tanzim that they are providing Israel with information so that they might be stopped from attacking Israel.

The Palestinians are not just concerned about the return fire that Tanzim attacks draw to Palestinian neighborhoods, they also complain of Tanzim violence against their own community.

Recently a local Palestinian girl was raped by Tanzim members in the Tanzim’ s club in Beit Jalah. The girl’s family slaughtered her since the rape defamed the family. No action was taken against the rapists.

The report also noted that Tanzim collects protection money from local businesses. They also get payments from the PA for attacks against Israeli targets. The reporter observed that while Arafat may not be able to instantly halt Tanzim attacks, his control on the purse strings that PAY for the attacks enable him to put a halt on the action within a short period of time if he wants to.

Dr. Aaron Lerner, Director
IMRA (Independent Media Review & Analysis)

This appeared on the May 16th, 2001 internet edition of “IMRA” at www.imra.org.il

MK Dr. Steinitz Demands: Disarm the PA – Rejects Call for Ceasefire

On Tuesday, May 8th, MK Dr Yuval Steinitz addressed a packed audience at the Israel Center in Jerusalem, at a news forum hosted by the Israel Resource News Agency.

Steinitz, a former Peace Now leader and now an influential force in the Likud, rejected any cease fire idea, demanding that Israel disarm the PLO and its armed forces that continue to attack Israel on all fronts.

Speaking in his capacity as the chairman of special Knesset Foreign and Security Relations subcommittee on Defence Planning and Policy, Dr. Steinitz stated that the PA has engaged in a policy of smuggling enough weapons to cripple the state of Israel.

Dr. Steinitz warned that “national security is much more important that personal security”, and asserted that any cease fire achieved in the short run would come at the expense of the need to strike at the source of the problem.

According to Dr. Steinitz, Israel had ignored the growth of the Palestinian security forces, from the agreed upon number in the 1993 “declaration of principles” of 9,000 to the agreed upon number of 24,000 under the second Oslo agreement of 1995, to 60,000 Palestinian soldiers are now under arms.

However, Steinitz asserted, the days of Israel ignoring the PA military preparations are over, since the PA is engaged in a well planned war of attrition that could last for many months and years – if Israel does not act immediately to stem the flow of weapons smuggling into the PA, by closing every artery of supplies, from the the PA airport in Gaza to every roadblock that can act a port of illegal arms supply.

Dr. Steinitz demanded that Israel increase its military pressure on the Palestinian security services, and called for the IDF to immediately attack PA army bases, PA ammunition dumps, PA officers and all the bunkers where weapons can be stored.

Dr. Steinitz conveyed a message to the media: to relate to the Palestinian Authority as a state in the making that is engaged in a low intensity war with Israel and not as a terror group firing pot-shots at civilians.

Dr. Steinitz indicated that the PA had crossed a “Cassus Belli” when it launched attacks on Jerusalem’s capital, and indicated that the time has come for Israel to consider a formal declaration of war against the PA.

In conclusion, Dr. Steinitz quoted peace process advocate Dr. Yose Beillin, who said from the rostrum of the Israel Knesset only nine months ago that an armed PA attack on a Jewish neighborhood in Jerusalem would as “unthinkable”, a red line that the PA would never cross, since an attack on a nation’s capital would be understood all over the world as an act of war.

Dr. Steinitz’s message: Israel is in a state of war and must act like it.

The Mitchell Report: “Balanced and Fair?”

In late October, 2000, US president Clinton appointed an international investigation commission to investigate the causes of the rioting in Israel, naming an Arab American and former US Senator, George Mitchell, as its chairman, and a Jewish-American, also a former US senator, Warren Rudman, to the panel, together with three prominent European diplomats.

Initial reaction in Israel to the publication of the Mitchell Commission report in May, 2001, evoked a sigh of relief that the Mitchell commission did not blame Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon for instigating the riots in September, 2000 during his visit to the Temple Mount.

However, even with that Sharon Temple Mount Accusation out of the way, the Mitchell Commission report accepted all of the other specious PLO premises for the current PLO insurrection.

The Mitchell commission accepted as a given that the PLO uprising is based on some based on some kind of movement for “independence and genuine self-determination”, without giving credence to the clearly stated PLO goal, stated in all PLO publications, maps and media outlets, even during the current Oslo process, which remains “liberation” of all of Palestine.

The Mitchell Commission characterizes the rioters armed with molotov cocktails as “unarmed Palestinian demonstrators”. a term that they seemed to have borrowed from several PLO information reports that have been published of late.

The Mitchell Commission takes the position that Israel’s security forces do not face a clear a present danger when faced with a mob trying to murder them with rocks and firebombs

The Mitchell Commission does not even mention that the PA has amassed 50,000 more weapons than they are supposed to have, in clear violation of the written Oslo accords, and not only the “spirit of the accords”, which seem to carry more weight with the Mitchell Commission.

The Mitchell Commission also accepts the notion that the Palestinian Authority security officials are simply not in control of their own tightly controlled security services,

The Mitchell Commission rejects the notion that the PA planned the uprising, as if the PA did not spend the past seven years preparing its media, school system and security services for any confrontation wit Israel.

The Mitchell Commission also describe an Israeli “view” that the PA leadership has made no real effort to prevent anti-Israeli terrorism, ignoring the message that Arafat has conveyed in his own media for the past seven years.

The Mitchell Commission also rejects Israel’s characterization of the conflict, as “armed conflict short of war”; (how else would you describe an army that fires mortar rounds into Israeli cities?)

The Mitchell Commission also rejects the IDF killing PLO combat officers during a time of war, without giving an alternative as to what actions the IDF is supposed to take in any such military confrontation.

Instead of issuing a clear call to the PLO to stop its sniper attacks on Israel’s roads and highways, the Mitchell Commission simply “condemns the positioning of gunmen within or near civilian dwellings”, leaving the observer to assume that PLO attacks from empty embankments would be acceptable.

The Mitchell Commission suggests that “the IDF should consider withdrawing to positions held before September 28, 2000,…to reduce the number of friction points”, ignoring the fact that this would leave the entry points to many Israeli cities without appropriate protection at a time of war.

The Mitchell Commission demands that Israel should transfer to the PA all tax revenues owed, and permit Palestinians who had been employed in Israel to return to their jobs, strangely recommending that Israel once again be in the position of paying the salaries of the armed PLO personnel who are now at war with Israel.

The Mitchell Commission takes a page out of Arab propaganda brochures when it calls on Israeli “security forces and settlers to refrain from the destruction of homes and roads, as well as trees and other agricultural property in Palestinian areas”, not even relating to the remote possibility that some areas of trees and agricultural land had been razed because it had given cover to the PA security forces during combat.

The Mitchell Commission accepts the notion that “settlers and settlements in their midst” remains a cause of the Palestinian uprising, because these Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria violate “the spirit of the Oslo process”, even though not one word appears in the actual Oslo accords would require the dismemberment of a single Israeli settlement anywhere.

In conclusion, the Mitchell Commission finds a connection between “settlement activities” and the Palestinian ability to resume and makes a judgment that negotiations cannot continue, so long as “settlement activities” continue, thereby introducing an excuse for the PLO to continue its armed conflict.

The Mitchell Commission accepts the notion that “settlers and settlements in their midst” remains a cause of the Palestinian uprising, because these Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria violate “the spirit of the Oslo process”.

The Mitchell Commission members know full well that not a word appears in the actual Oslo accords would require the dismemberment of a single Israeli settlement anywhere.

Yet for some reason, Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres praised Mitchell Commission report as “balanced” and “fair”. Yassir Arafat, meeting with his political allies from Israel on May 11, stated that the Mitchell Report was the basis for renewal of negotiations between the parties.

Does this mean that the Israeli government will now accept the premise of the Mitchell Commission that negotiations with Arafat can only continue when Jewish community activity ceases in Judea, Samaria and Katif?

Is Peres acting on his own?

All this remains to be seen.

Two Funerals: Wednesday, May 9th, 2001

Thousands attended the double funerals held at the Gush Etzion Junction of 14 year old Yossef Ishran and Kobi Mandel, who were discovered in the early morning hours following a night long nerve wracking search.

The bodies were found next to the Haritun Caves, half buried under a pile of blood-soaked rocks with only their feet sticking out, a short distance from their homes in Tekoa. Next to their bodies were strewn their bags containing their uneaten sandwiches and water which they had taken with them on what was going to be a fun day of seeking out a suitable place to hold the traditional Lag B’Omer bonfire on Thursday night.

The massive crowd of mourners included hundreds of children, friends from the two schools which they attended in Efrat and Alon Shvut as well as their many friends from Tekoa. The crowd, who arrived for the scheduled 4:30 p.m. funeral was turned back after the loudspeaker announced that there would be a two hour delay of the funeral procession leaving Tekoa. In silence the huge crowd slowly emptied back into their cars and the buses. Only after returning to the funeral site did we learn the reason for the delay. Lab test results. Not satisfied with crushing the skulls of the two youngsters, the inhuman murderers continued to mutilate and abuse the bodies long after their last breaths were drawn. Those who discovered the bodies reported that the faces were so badly mutilated that they were no longer recognizable as human beings. The only way to make a definite identification was through fingerprints.

The massive crowd awaited the funeral procession that was on its way from Tekoa. Two stands awaited the bodies which would be laid out for the eulogies before being taken to the two respective cemeteries – Kobi would be laid to rest in Kfar Etzion and Yossef in Jerusalem. Psalms were chanted over the loudspeaker and the crowd chanted back the words of the psalms written centuries ago by King David – many of these psalms were written in the very caves near where the boys were found dead when King David hid in the Judean Desert caves when fleeing from King Saul and his soldiers.

A choked hush went through the crowd when the family was announced. The hundreds of children held on to each other, tears streaming down their faces. The mass of mourners, covering every inch of ground, parted like the Red Sea to make way for the families. The crowd made an audible gasp and broke into quiet sobs as first the small talit (prayer shawl) wrapped body of Yossef Ishran was brought forth and lowered onto the stand followed by his family who huddled around the body, hugging, holding and weeping over their dead son and brother. Then came the body of Kobi, wrapped in his father’s talit, the same one his father wore when he proudly held his first-born son Kobi at his circumcision ceremony when he was eight days old. Following came Kobi’s father, Seth, holding six year old Gabi in his arm while trying to hold on with his other hand to eleven year old Lilliana and twelve year old Daniel. The heartbroken sobs of the small children who stood over their big brother’s body was too much to bear. The whole crowd weeped along outloud. Then Kobi’s mother, Sheri was led/carried to the body of her first born child. The sight of the raw pain on her beautiful face cut like a knife into the hearts of all. Sheri, a talented author and teacher of creative writing lay her head down on her sons body weeping inconsolably and we felt like our hearts would break. For long moments we stood there crying, speechless. School children crying on their friends shoulders, adults, friends and family.

In his eulogy, Saul Goldstein, regional mayor of Gush Etzion, talked about the need to close down the PLO’s broadcasting networks where there are daily calls for murder of the Zionists and incitement against the Jews is broadcasted 24 hours a day.

Before the rocks, bullets, knives, bombs – it is the words that kill. Hate is contributed through education, incitement, the general environment. There is a direct connection between incitement calling for killing the Zionist enemy blasting daily from Palestinian media to Syria’s dictator Assad pointing at the Jews as Jesus’ murderer and humiliater of Prophet Muhammad, while his Defense Minister Dr. Mustafah Tallas was quoted in the L.B.C. Lebanese network saying “If every Arab kills a Jew, then there will be no more Jews”. He also said “I want to stand in place and kill the Jew standing opposite me”. This incitement goes along with Egypt’s very popular no. 1 hit number called: “I hate Israel”, played constantly over the Egyptian airwaves. This is the climate which produced the murderers who butchered two sweet beautiful innocent Jewish boys looking for a place to build a bonfire.

The children of Tekoa promised to hold their bonfires tonight at the site of the murder. The cave where the bodies were found is situated at the edge of the Judean desert, less than a kilometer from Tekoa. These big caves, the largest in the Middle East, where the prophet Amos, as is written, tended his flocks in “Tekoa” held all the mysteries and adventure of Adventureland. It was the place the children of Tekoa go to hang out, talk to wandering Bedoiuns tending their flocks, paint, meditate and celebrate the beauty of nature. For the children of Tekoa it was the extention of their backyards. The beautiful landscape this time of year is covered in the bloom of spring. Now it is sprinkled with blood.

Wake up Israel. Wake up world. Smell the blood.

Suha Arafat gives an interview to a Saudi paper

Suha Arafat, wife of the Palestinian Authority chairman, shoots off her mouth. “I hate the Israelis,” she declares. “I oppose normalization with them. Israeli women have attempted to make contact with me and I rejected them. I am giving an unequivocal message to all Israeli women proposing help for our institutions: you are responsible for the problems our children have. How do you dare to offer donations?”

After long months of media abstention, Suha Arafat has opened her mouth.

She does this in the Saudi women’s magazine Saidati, and the comprehensive interview is accompanied by a variety of personal photographs of the chairman’s wife and her family. The pretext for the project is a festive one: Suha set out, for the first time in her life, to undertake the Haj – the pilgrimage to the Muslim holy places in Saudi Arabia.

Suha, for her part, takes advantage of the opportunity to attack the Israelis verbally; to emphasize her unique status as the wife of Yasser Arafat, while also calling attention to the price she has to pay for this status; and also to make clear she is against the peace process. “I was never happy with the way negotiations with the Israelis were conducted,” she discloses. “The way things are now, I do not believe we will ever achieve true peace.

“Peace is a lie. I have always had the inner conviction that this matter will not succeed. Therefore I rejected any proposal to cooperate. In response, whenever I traveled between Gaza and the West Bank, the Israelis would stop my car and force me to wait along with the ordinary people.”

Arafat also has something to say about the IDF: “Despite the fact that Israeli soldiers shot at our house in Gaza, and my daughter and I were the target, they only hit the top floor. I know my daughter and I are a political target, and for that reason we travel from place to place. But I am not afraid, because my lengthy experience of life under the occupation has made me strong. However, I am not trying to endanger myself needlessly, just so that people will say I am heroic.”

Since the embarrassing incident with Hillary Clinton, which occurred a year and a half ago, Suha Arafat has kept silent. During a meeting in Ramallah with the former U.S. President’s wife, the chairman’s wife said accusingly that “Israel has poisoned the Palestinian air and water in the Gaza Strip and caused thousands of cases of cancer.” Her comments caused a big stir in the United States and the Middle East. Suha for her part, decided to lower her profile. She is now in Paris for longer periods of time and in Gaza less, and takes care to stay away from journalists. “I decided to stay away because the light of the cameras does not only dazzle, it also burns. The further away I stay, the better it is for me,” she says.

Now she is giving a glimpse into her life – it is unclear what is just image and what is really true – during a visit to Saudi Arabia, at the invitation of Princess Jawahara, wife of King Fahd. Aside from the attack on the Israelis, she also refers to the circumstances surrounding her decision – as the daughter of a wealthy and distinguished Christian family from Ramallah, educated in Nablus – to convert to Islam.

“My husband, Abu Amar, convinced me to take this step,” she says. “The Islamic religion is familiar to me from my days at school in Nablus. I would remain in class during religion classes and studied the Koran, like everyone else. When my family discovered that I had converted to Islam, they reacted logically. For all of us the most important issue is the Arab national interest. It is a struggle I have signed up for.”

This enlistment led to sharp disagreements, Suha disclosed, between herself and her husband. In the end she asked for his permission to move to Paris. “Of course there are differences of opinion between us,” she says. “No one wins in arguments, but I am more aggressive. I argue only when I know what I want. It is hard to influence Arab men. The Arab male is not influenced by a woman. It goes in one ear and out the other.”

The differences of opinion and arguments between the couple also dealt with Suha’s criticism of senior PA officials. “I am frank, and when I encounter a phenomenon that seems to me unhealthy, I can’t remain silent,” she says, ‘especially when I encounter corruption. I expose the issue, and sign up to stop the corruption.

“For example, I strongly criticized the opening of the casino in Jericho. I am not pleased with this place, where people drink alcohol and play cards. And when I discover senior Palestinian Authority officials making a fortune in the casino, I oppose them with all my might. Naturally, these arguments create a lot of problems and tension. But my conscience is clear.”

Suha Arafat provides diplomatic replies to questions regarding her relationship with her husband, which has already been at the center of quite a few rumors. During the interview she says: “The disagreements between us have not had an adverse effect on our strong relationship. He knows that the purpose of my criticism is positive.” On the other hand, she declares that “He loves me more, because it was he who proposed marriage.” Another time she smiles: “I am not afraid Arafat will marry another wife at the same time he is married to me. He doesn’t have the time.”

In response to the question what kind of husband Arafat is, Suha replies: “Arafat is well-bred and knows how to respect women. He loves his home and daughter very much, despite the fact that he does not have enough time for her. He is a quiet man. When I become angry, he remains calm. He is very emotional, despite the fact that when he appears in public he seems tough.”

Suha tries to evade questions abut her lengthy stay in Paris with her daughter Zahawa, who is now in first grade. A portrait of the two of them was intended to refute rumors that the wife and daughter were forced to move to Paris due to a malignant disease that little Zahawa had. She defined the relationship between father and daughter as “a good relationship”. But she admits Zahawa sees her father mainly on television. “She admires Arafat,” she concludes.

According to her, Zahawa fills her day. “Since she is Arafat’s daughter, and we are fearful for her, she is protected. I wanted to give her a brother or sister, but the great responsibility I have for her has given me pause. I am with her all the time, take her to school, accompany her everywhere. I try hard not to spoil her, and teach her that she must make efforts to achieve things and not rely on the fact that she is Abu Amar’s daughter.”

Suha defines Arafat’s health as “good”. Regarding the tremors in his lips, she explains that “this is the result of air pressure on airplanes. Arafat flies a lot from place to place, he is under pressure, and it is no wonder that this situation has had an affect on him. But he is not ill. The Israelis spread rumors about this, and we ignore them.”

It seems Suha has a great deal to say about rumors. “My unique status also has a price,” she complains. “Every move you make brings a wave of rumors and criticism, mainly rumors spread by Israelis, because of their continuing hostility.

Suha takes advantage of the interview to refute another rumor, that she used her position as the chairman’s wife to make financial profit for herself and her family. “I have never been in trade,” she announces, “and I never thought about doing business. I knew that any business transactions I would be involved in would lead to rumors that I was taking advantage of my husband’s status.

“In place of business, I decided to ease the plight of the Palestinian woman. I succeeded, for example, in raising awareness against inter-marriage in Palestinian society, to prevent cases of handicapped children. I put pressure on Arafat to help us legislate a law that would oblige couples to undergo pre-marital medical testing. Despite his many occupations, he found the time to handle this issue.”

In conclusion, Suha discloses that her best friends are Queen Rania of Jordan and the wife of the president of Tunisia, “because we lived there many years and she was very close to us.”

In response to the question whether she suffered in exile in Tunisia, she says: “We suffered a great deal, but we are also suffering in Gaza, we feel here too that we are living in exile. There is nothing that can be done, because we are still under the occupation.”

This appeared on the May 3, 2001 edition of Yediot Aharonot

PA Military Commander in Gaza Warns Israel

The Commander of the Palestinian forces in the Gaza Strip, Gen. Abed el-Razek el-Majaida had an interesting warning on Friday for the Palestinian population: Israel, he said, is not sufficing with placing cement blocks containing bombs which they detonate from afar, it is also now letting stolen cars into Gaza and the territories to turn them into car-bombs and blow up senior Palestinian officials. In other cases, the cars are fitted with special bugging devices. They do this by means of Palestinians who work for Israel “who’ve sold their souls to the devil and the occupation.” The Palestinian forces headquarters in the Gaza Strip called on the population not to come into contact with people trying to sell them stolen cars and to report such cases to the police.

This is not the first blood libel the Palestinians have made against Israel. The use of “depleted uranium” has not been dropped. The PA newspaper Al-Hayat al-Jadida quoted a report in the Dubai newspaper Albian on Sunday that it had managed to obtain samples of bomb fragments “which hit Palestinians in clashes with the occupation forces, which proved after analysis that Israel makes use of depleted uranium and six radioactive substances that do not appear in international scientific tables and which have never been published in any scientific research in the world.”

Since the fighting began, during which there were innumerable exchanges of fire between Gilo and Beit Jalla, the tranquil Christian village has become a ghost town. Many of the Christian residents have abandoned it, some have emigrated overseas, and all because the Fatah Tanzim have taken over the town.

A leaflet was circulated in Beit Jalla on Tuesday relating to the “inhuman deeds of some senior PA officials and national forces in the Beit Jalla area.” The Itim news agency reported that the leaflet, which was unsigned, was very harsh about the acts of several senior PA officials “interested in expelling the Christians from Beit Jalla at any price in order to seize their homes, which they believe will be destroyed by Israel as a response to Palestinian shooting on Gilo.”

Palestinian sources reported that in response to this anonymous leaflet, the PA forced several leaders of the Palestinian and Christian leadership of Beit Jalla and Bethlehem to publish a condemnation of it on the grounds that the leaflet was meant to “intensify the ethnic dispute between Christians and Moslems.” They accused Israel of being behind the leaflet.

This appeared on the May 2, 2001 edition of Hatzofeh

“Follow Me”

“I am waving not to part from you, but to say: follow me,” so the Palestinian boy Mohammed a-Dura ostensibly calls to his friends the children, in a film clip produced by the Palestinian Ministry of Propaganda which has recently been broadcast on official Palestinian television. Ten year old a-Dura, who was killed next to his father at the beginning of the el-Aksa Intifada and become one of its symbols, calls to Palestinian children and proposes that they become shahids [martyrs].

This comes from new research into “Palestinian Culture and Society”. The research director, Itamar Marcus, presents a number of official Palestinian film clips for children and discloses that despite its denials, the Palestinian Authority encourages its children in violent operations against Israel, and in return promises them the delights of heaven.

The official clip about a-Dura shows how immediately after his death, the boy went to heaven, a tranquil place with lots of green vegetation, fountains, beaches, and even a Ferris wheel. Little a-Dura, according to the clip, skips joyously in the sunlight, flying a kite, while in the background a song is playing: “How delightful the scent of the shahids, how delightful the scent of the earth, slaked by the flow of blood flowing from a fresh body.”

Another clip mentioned by Marcus shows the famous handshake between Rabin and Arafat at the White House, and above it says “The promise of peace is over, the time for talk is over.” In the clip, also intended for Palestinian children, and broadcast on the official Palestinian Authority television network, a boy and a girl can be seen. The boy throws aside the little car he was holding and picks up a stone, while the girls leaves her doll and also takes a stone in order to set out for the conflict.

This appeared on the May 4, 2001 edition of Maariv

Citibank Offers Ehud Barak a Top Position

Citi Bank, one of the largest banks in the U.S., has offered former Prime Minister Ehud Barak a position as special adviser to the bank’s branch in Israel.

It is customary in the U.S. to hire former senior officials as consultants for financial groups.

The assumption is that their status canhelp business. Thus for example, Merrill-Lynch hired former Bank of Israel Governor Ya’akov Frenkel.

Yedioth Ahronoth has learned that Barak received the initial offer on Independence Day, at a social event where he met with the president of CitiBank in Israel.

Last week, Barak met with top bank executives in Israel.

The bank spokesman did not deny there were initial contacts but said nothing had been decided.

This appeared on the May 3, 2001 edition of Yediot Aharonot