Hebron: A Peace With No Losers?

The cycle of violence continues in Hebron.

On one side, the Jewish residents are calling for a voiding of the Oslo process and a return of Hebron under total IDF control.

On the other side, the Palestinians are calling for a complete evacuation of all Jews from Hebron.

Neither solution is viable.

What can be done is to stop de-legitimizing both the Palestinians and Jews of Hebron. Both sides have a right to be there.

Hebron, according to both the Jewish and Palestinian definition, includes the neighborhoods of Kiriat Arba, Harsina (Givat Mamre), Givat Avot, and Ashmorot Isaac. We have, statically, a total population of around 8,000 men, women, and children.

Greater Hebron has between 80,000 and 120,000 Palestinians, depending on which census you use. An average estimate would be around 100,000 Palestinians.

This puts the total Jewish population of Hebron at around 8%. This is not merely a few fanatic settlers, but a minority population… a vibrant, living Jewish Community, which must be dealt with, as must all minorities — with compassion, justice, and guaranteed civil, and human rights under law.

Until now, the situation was viewed in terms of resistance to an occupying army and its surrogate presence — the settlers. With the advent of Palestinian autonomy and the likelihood of a Palestinian State, the armed struggle now ends and the political one begins. In the new political struggle, the Jews of Hebron find themselves in the same situation as any minority. No longer enjoying the full protection of the IDF, they will be forced to deal with continuing to live in the city of their Father’s under a new set of rules. The new rules will include reaching out to their Palestinian neighbors in an attempt at finding a compromise which will allow both Jew and Palestinian to share this holy city without bloodshed.

Neither side will oblige the other by ceasing to exist. Both sides are strong in their convictions that Hebron is theirs. Both sides enjoy the backing of military force — the IDF supporting the settlers and the PA Police supporting the Palestinians.

Whether or not the sides like it, a stalemate is rapidly becoming fact of life in the city.

If Hebron is to maintain its special identity, then the World Community must encourage the Palestinians to accept the fact that a Hebron Jewish Community with unbreakable ties to the State of Israel is a Fact.

The World Jewish Community, on the other hand, must convince the Jews of Israel and of Hebron to be more flexible in their dealings with the Palestinian population, and convince them to make a real effort at coexistence.

Until and unless a Peace with no Losers becomes a fact in Hebron, it is senseless to discuss solutions for Jerusalem.

Hebcom Middle East Bureau Analysis, Commentary, Information Insight into the Middle East by the People who live there

The Case of the Stolen Children from Yemen – Part 11: A Mother and Child Reunion

In the same week that four graves were opened, Tzila Levine arrived in Israel. Mrs. Levine came from Sacramento, California with the thought that she may have been taken from her original family and sold for adoption as a child.

She arrived in Israel with a written declaration she received from her adopting mother stating that she was adopted as a foundling. Also, her dark skin led her to believe that she may have been kidnapped from her parents as she heard happened with other children. She came to Israel to see if she could find her biological parents.

On the 18th of August, 1997, a report on Tzila Levine appeared in the Yediot Acharonot newspaper. Tzila was quoted as saying “I am only asking to find my biological parents and find out who really brought me into the world”. Levine (50), who lives in Sacramento, California was adopted by a couple who lived on the Ein Ha-Mifratz Kibbutz.

The newspaper further reported that her parents told her they had received her from a doctor in a medical clinic in the Haifa area, and told her that she was adopted when she was six years old. Levine was quoted, “All the years I was different in the Kibbutz. Everyone was light-skinned and I was the only one with dark skin”.

The article reports that Tzila Levine began searching for her parents when her adopting mother died, five years before the article was written. She also was quoted as saying, “I went to the archives of the Ein Ha-Mifratz Kibbutz, and asked for the documents related to my adoption. I found that the adoption certificates said I was a foundling child and my parents were not known. I spoke to the office of adoptions in Haifa and they asked me to come there. In the office, they checked the material they had and said that they had no file related to my adoption. ‘There was a big mess [in the files, back then], go home’, they told me. I left the office and started crying, because I’d never find my parents”.

One of the people that helped Tzila get started in her search was Mr. Sampson Giat, the President of the Federation of Yemenite Jews in the United States. Mr. Giat went on cable-TV and spoke at length on the subject of the kidnapped children. He then asked anyone who thought they might have been one of the abducted children to contact him. Mrs. Levine contacted Mr. Giat, and told him of her case. It was Mr. Giat who assisted her in finding the necessary contacts in Israel and establishing contact with them.

By the 21st of August, 1997 it was reported that as many as fifteen families who had heard of Mrs. Levine’s case, came to Rammy Tsuberi, Tzila Levine’s lawyer, saying that Tsila Levine might be their stolen child.

One specific family that came to Tsuberi’s office on the 20th of that month was mentioned: Mrs. Margalit Omessei, and her children. Mrs. Levine and the Omessei family met each other at Mr. Tsuberi’s office and, upon noticing the amazing similarity between her daughter Yehudit and Tzila, Margalit Omessei was reported to “have kissed Tzila warmly, and said that there is an amazing similarity between Levine and her daughter Yehudit. Margalit requested that Levine have a blood-test, so they would be able to check whether she was, indeed, her daughter. Dr Hassan Hatib, a genetics expert in the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, took the blood sample in Tsuberi’s office. The results were expected to be announced within days. ‘Even if you are not my daughter, know that you will always be in my heart, and will always have a place in Israel’, Mrs. Omessei told Mrs. Levine.” (Yediot Acharonot, 21st August, 1997). One of the reasons that Mrs. Omessei suspected Tzila might be her daughter was after she had seen a picture in the newspaper of Tzila when she was an infant. It was then that Mrs. Omessei noticed the resemblance between Tzila, as a baby, and Mazal, her daughter.

On the 25th of August, 1997, the phone rang in the home of Dina Frazer, a childhood friend of Tzila Levine’s, where she was staying. On the line was Tzila’s lawyer, Rammy Tsuberi. “That’s it, the tests were a success. We found your mother”, he said. Tzila was in shock when she heard the news. She was trembling with excitement as she drank some water, and took some time to recover. She then began crying, “Yes! It’s my mother! My mother!….”

Dr. Hassan Hatib of the Hebrew University’s Genetics labs tested both blood samples and reported, “With all the blood samples, I conducted D.N.A. tests in the PCR (Polymerase Chain Reaction) method in ten different genetic signs that are Polymorphic in different groups. (He then lists the ten different signs.) The results of my tests were as follows: In every one of the ten genetic signs that were tested the daughter, Tzila received one aponeurosis from the mother, Margalit. Of course, every one of Margalit’s children received one aponuerosis from the mother, Margalit. In the statistic calculations that are used in the forensic labs around the world, the chance that Mrs. Tzila Levine is the daughter of Mrs. Margalit Omessei is 99.99143%.” The report was signed “Genetics – Hebrew University, Dr. Hassan Hatib”. After Hatib conducted these tests, he repeated tests in another four genetic signs, also showing that Levine and Omessei were, indeed, mother and daughter.

After this report, the entire Israeli public was interested in Mrs. Omessei and Mrs. Levine’s reunion. For months it was the most common topic in public. One broadcast on the Arutz 7 radio station reported:

“Tzlia Levine, from the Unites States, is the biological daughter of Mrs. Margalit Omessei. This is the result of DNA tests carried out in the Genetics Laboratory in Hebrew University in Jerusalem. The tests found that there is a perfect match between the DNA of Mrs. Levine and the Omessei family.

“She arrived in Israel with the express purpose of finding her original family; the Omessei family claimed that she is their daughter who disappeared from a Rosh HaAyin infirmary in 1949.

“Levine was brought up on Kibbutz Ein Hamifratz by adoptive parents over 50 years ago. She began to look for her biological parents after the death of her adoptive mother five years ago. Margalit Omessei said she had never given up hope of finding her lost daughter.

“In a related item, the public committee investigating the disappearance of the Yemenite children heard the testimony today of Avraham Buzi, who said that his eighteen month old daughter disappeared from a babies’ home in Pardes Hanna in 1949.

“He visited her one day and found her healthy, but the next day was told that she had died. He said that he never received a death certificate nor saw her grave.” (26th August, 1997).

The truth is that the results of the tests were a surprise even to Dr. Hatib. He was quoted as saying, “The chance that two people, with no family relation, will have the same genetic ID is nil. In this case, I set the genetic ID of the mother, Margalit and in Tzila’s genetic ID it was found that half of what she has comes from Margalit. This happens only in a case of a mother and daughter.

“I was shocked at the results, because to find the daughter, out of all the people in the world, that belongs to the right mother is like taking a shot in the dark. At first glance, I did not believe the results, which is why I conducted another series of tests. The results are of a reliable test, that meets international standards and that are acceptable in the forensic laboratories all over the world”.

The tragic story of the separation of Margalit and her daughter began in 1949, as Margalit testified to the Cohen committee on the 15th of November, 1995. Part of this testimony was recorded as follows:

Chairman Judge Yehuda Cohen: “You came to Israel in 1949, Rosh Hashana,” [Jewish New Year].

Margalit Omessei: “Right.”

Chairman Cohen: “With your girl…”

Margalit: “Right… my family”

Chairman Cohen: “You didn’t write here… did her father come too?”

Margalit: “No, I divorced him three months before I came to Israel.”

Chairman Cohen: “Did you notify the authorities you were divorced?”

Margalit: “Yes, he even didn’t know the girl…he was very ill back in Yemen.”

Chairman Cohen: “Did he ever come to Israel?”

Margalit: “Yes, almost the same month, but he came alone, and I came alone with my family”

Chairman Cohen: “And he showed no interest in the girl,”

Margalit: “Not at all, he was very ill”.

Chairman Cohen: “And then they took you to Rosh Ha-Ayin,”

Margalit: “I came to Rosh Ha-Ayin, camp Alef, on the day of Rosh HaShana.”

Chairman Cohen: “Was it a tent-camp?”

Margalit: “Yes,”

Chairman Cohen: “And they took the children to a baby-home?”

Margalit: “Children… right… when…”

Member of Committee, Brigadier David Maimon: “You had only Mazal, right?”

Margalit: “Only Mazal. “

Maimon: “Did you have any other children?”

Margalit: “No.”

Chairman Cohen: “I say they took all the children that arrived at that time were taken to the baby home, as was Mazal,”

Margalit: “The moment we reached the main road of Rosh-Ha-Ayin, the nurses came and snatched every child from their mother’s arms, with no explanation, without saying anything about where to and why, nothing. They took us to the bathing rooms, while they took the children to the baby homes, with Magen David [Adom], and we came out and asked where our children are, and got no answer. They then put us into tents, every mother crying for her child. I was in the same tent with two other mothers, and we started looking through the tents during the night to find for our children, until the morning when we heard our babies crying. We asked the guards, and went and saw screaming children, and mothers screaming in the babies’ home. So, we went back to the tents, and saw our children every morning, every day I got my baby, I was still nursing her, getting her in the morning, and feeding her. I did the same every afternoon, but all day every day we looked at our babies through the windows of the baby home.”

Chairman Cohen: “But she was then about a year and a half old,”

Margalit: “A year exactly”

Chairman Cohen: “A year?”

Margalit: “When she was taken from me. She was a year and a half old… when she disappeared, she was a year and a half old,”

Chairman Cohen: “You’re saying it took six months [from your arrival] until she disappeared,”

Margalit: “Yes, and I always gave her food, I gave her everything, and she wasn’t at all sick, except when her throat was a bit red, she suffered some diarrhea when her teeth were first coming in, but I gave her food three times a day, and the same nurse gave her to me every day, and one day….”

Chairman Cohen: “You’re saying that it was about at the end of a six-month period that she was taken to the hospital”

Margalit: “Yes, she was taken to the hospital, the one that wasn’t too far from the baby home, about 200 meters away from it”

Chairman Cohen: “In Rosh-HaAyin”

Margalit: “In Rosh-HaAyin… and I was still always at the window, looking at her. One day, I came to the hospital, and they let me into the hospital. This was the first time they let me into the hospital. Three doctors were standing next to me, asking me where her father is. I told them I came divorced, and I was just with my girl and my family. My child was in my hands then. After a while, they took her from me, and I left. After I left, my child was taken to the baby home. After a while, one day I came, as every other day, and she wasn’t there that morning. I fed her dinner the night before. She wasn’t there. I asked a nurse… she didn’t know. I told her that she gave her to me all the time, but she still didn’t know. She didn’t know. I went crazy. Nothing. I went to the mayor’s secretary, Bedihi, and I yelled there and cried, and he threw me out, and said he didn’t know. At the end he saw I was so disturbed by it that he sent me to the Petah-Tiqvah police station. The Petah-Tiqva police sent me to all kinds of places, to the Hospital, to WIZO, to everywhere they sent me… I went. I would work two or three days, save up the money for travel, and go. I never found her. Not at Bet-Lid, not at Ein-Shemer, and not at Rosh HaAyin, nowhere. Everywhere I went, I couldn’t find her. And her file at Rosh-HaAyin said she was still alive. After the Six-Day War [’67] I received a letter from the Petah-Tikvah Police, asking that I go to the station. I went, and the person there read the file and all. I told him my daughter wasn’t dead, she’s alive. He read the letter and told me that she went from the hospital to the baby-home, and from there they don’t know where she went. I told him I don’t know, but I’m not giving up, I want my girl from wherever she is. He told me that they should take all those nurses and doctors to prison, and that she’s still alive. From that time on, I got no answer….”

This testimony shows that even the police at the time were aware of the crimes being committed. Margalit’s testimony goes on as she describes cases of families she knows that had children taken as well.

The next time the committee heard Margalit Omessei was after her reunion with Tzila Levine. Tzila, Margalit and their family came to testify before the committee and members of the press.

Even foreign press took an interest in this case, so it was not surprising that when the official committee heard Mrs. Levine and Mrs. Omessei I was able to spot cameras and reporters from networks like ABC news, Fox news and Sky news, just to name a few.

Tzila’s attorney, Rammy Tzuberi, came to the committee, to represent Margalit and Tzila. The committee began by hearing a detailed account of Tzila’s search for her parents, and went on with the details of their reunion. Tzila also spoke of what her adopting parents had told her while they were still alive, about how they chose her from the many children in the doctor’s home; how she stood there in her crib, laughing and raising her arms up high, which is when her adopting father, Mordechai Rozenstock, decided to take her. The emotional tension in the room that day was overwhelming. None of the people present could help crying, walking over to congratulate Margalit and Tzila for being reunited after nearly fifty years, and hoping in their hearts to see more of these reunions. I was introduced to Margalit and Tzila by an elderly Yemenite I have been in close touch with regarding research. He’s worked on the case extensively himself, and wishes to remain anonymous. He’s known Margalit for a long time. Although this was the first time I met Margalit, I’ve seen her in almost every rally and convention on the topic since then.

However, at the time I was still afraid of cover-up methods being applied. I told a few people including individuals from Mishkan Ohalim, prominent journalists, and Sampson Giat’s wife, Jackie, who was also present, that I believed that since the committee had been involved in previous cover-ups, it would cover this up as well. I speculated that the committee would demand another DNA test, and even speculated it would appoint Dr. Yehuda Hiss, head of the Institute for Forensic Medicine in Abu-Kabir, to do these tests. I then said I believed they would wait for Tzila to return to the United States (I said maybe a month or so) to give the false results. I said that I believed they would lie about the results, saying that Tzila and Margalit were not mother and daughter after all. I was told that no-one would dare contradict such a solid, proven test as the one conducted by a prominent geneticist of the Hebrew University… “Noone will believe it.” I mentioned this possibility during a committee recess. The state attorney, Drora Nachmani-Roth then began to raise questions, after presenting a document showing that Tzila was adopted in November 1948, while Margalit Omessei immigrated to Israel in 1949.

This is despite the fact that Tzila was not able to find any documents regarding her adoption. Attorney Tzuberi attempted to answer this strange inconsistency by suggesting that Margalit could have made a mistake regarding the date of immigration, since she was then barely familiar with the non-Jewish calendar. Tzuberi had a hard time trying to suggest that the document was forged. So many other documents were forged at the time, such as death certificates, birth certificates, and many more. In the first article in this series, I wrote of a cache of pre-signed blank birth and death certificates found by a government official, Yehudit Hivner. According to Ms. Hivner’s testimony, these documents contained no dates, or any entries other than a signature and a stamp. This would allow the filling in of any and all details about a child, even a falsified birth date.

On September 14th 1997 Tzila Levine returned to her family in the United States. It was less than a month later, on the 9th of October 1997, that I woke up to hear on the radio how the worst of my predictions had come true, almost word-for-word.

Kol Israel Radio reported that morning:

“Yemenite born Tzila Levine is not the lost daughter of Margalit Omessei. New DNA tests prove there is no common genetic pattern between the two. Medical experts say the genetic tests carried out at the Abu Kabir Forensic Institute are the newest techniques and refute earlier results.”

Attorney Tzuberi made sure to let the public know of Dr. Hiss’ breach of agreement. Hiss and the family of Omessei and Levine had a signed agreement that the results of the testing will be given only to Tzuberi and the family. However, Tzuberi got no notice of the results, and only found out about them by reading them in the media after they were publicized by the spokesman for the Abu Kabir Institute.

Arutz 7 Radio reported:

“Tzila Levine, who claims she is the daughter of Yemenite Jew Margalit Omessei, but separated from her fifty years ago while a baby, has questioned the validity of Ministry of Health tests which are said to have proved she is not Margalit’s daughter after all. An earlier DNA test had said that she was.

“‘I was disappointed with the results’ Tzila told radio station Arutz 7 today, “but not at all surprised. It was made clear to us that the methodology used by this institute would be able to be interpreted differently by different chemists, and we therefore asked that testing procedure be stopped.

“Tzila said the Institute which tested her broke a signed agreement not to publicize the results and that if they could not keep their word, she had no reason to believe in the accuracy of the tests.

“She also said she did not trust the Ministry of Health which stood by as hundreds of children ‘disappeared’ fifty years ago…. I rather believe the results of the previous testing, which was carried out twice, and which found that we are in fact mother and daughter.’

“Tzila said that after spending a total of nine days together, both she and Margalit were absolutely certain they were mother and daughter.”

On that day, I was contacted by a few journalists, amazed by the accuracy of my “prediction”. Frankly, so was I. I was even right about the time I said they’d publicize the results.

On 22nd November, 1997, an article was published in the Maariv Israeli mainstream newspaper. This article was written by Michal Kapra, and was based on an interview with Dr. Hassan Hatib, still standing by the results of his first tests. A few important details were given in this article. One, that after the results of Dr. Hiss’ tests, Hatib conducted another series of tests, using the blood from the same samples that Hiss used in the labs of the Forensic Institute. These tests showed again, that Margalit Omessei and Tzila Levine are, indeed, mother and daughter.

Another important fact is that Dr. Hatib was not able to receive Hiss’ results from the Institute. The results were never shown to anyone, and only a final conclusion was issued by the Institute. Never were the test results shown to Dr. Hatib, to attorney Tzuberi, to the government committee… to no one.

One other important thing that Hatib mentioned is that Dr. Hiss used a mitochondrial DNA test, while he himself used chromosomichal DNA. Hatib mentions that there is a scientific problem dealing with mitochondrial DNA, since it is unstable and mutates over the years, which is why it’s not used in tests to determine family relation. He also mentions that this DNA goes through immense changes after the age of 40. In this article, Hatib is backed up on this point by Professor Adam Friedman, of the Haddassa Ein-Karem Hospital. Professor Friedman is considered by many to be the most prominent geneticist in the State of Israel. Professor Friedman also says that the chromosomichal DNA tests are far more reliable. He mentions the problems that arise with the changes that occur in mitochondrial DNA.

Later on, in response to this, a claim was issued by the Forensic labs that they then conducted a second series of tests, in chromosomichal DNA, which showed again, that Mrs. Levine and Mrs. Omessei are not mother and daughter. This is not to say they took another blood sample for these tests, or that these results were publicized either. It is crucial to remember that no records or results of the tests were given to anyone by the Forensic labs… just their final conclusion.

Margalit Omessei and Tzila Levine are convinced they are mother and daughter, as is the rest of their family. This became most clear to me after I paid a visit to Margalit last month. I also found out from Margalit that Tzila is now writing a book on the story of her reunion with her family.

However, even more importantly, Sampson Giat is continuing his efforts to reunite more families of the stolen children. He has issued many letters and press releases, as well as interviews to TV networks, and is doing what he can to reunite as many families as possible. Mr. Giat has conducted the most extensive and professional work on this issue. If anyone would like to contact Sampson Giat, to assist him, to receive information, or just to show support for the cause, he can be contacted at:
305 Seventh Avenue, 11th Floor New York, NY 10001
Tel/Fax: (212) 633-8453
Or by Email, at YemFed@AOL.com

E-mail of author: yam@netvision.net.il

Official Fatah Editorial – Preparing for State

The following is the complete and unedited text of an editorial on the official Fatah Website 15th September, 1998, http://www.fateh.org/e_editor/98/150998.htm

President Clinton has sworn that he will remain committed to the peace process in the Middle East. He has promised that the US Administration will remain involved and that nothing will weaken US resolve to do everything possible to push the peace process forward.

Since we have no recourse other than to place our trust in President Clinton, we look forward to the enactment of this promise, hoping that it will not be sucked down into the vortex of the Starr report on the Clinton-Lewinsky affair.

The first thing that President Clinton should do is to terminate Dennis Ross as the US peace envoy in the Middle East. Ross’ behavior advertises the existence of double standards. Ross is not an honest peace broker. To the Palestinians, he is persona non grata, a spokesman for Zionist oppression, under imperialistic influences, who acts against an occupied people fighting for freedom. Ross seems to take pleasure in his efforts to take 3% from the body of the victim, giving no thought to the blood that will be shed in the process.

President Arafat has realized that Dennis Ross is satisfied with wasting our time without helping us to reach an agreement with the Israelis. Like windmills attached to no power-producing source, Ross’ trips spin and spin, to no avail. For this reason, President Arafat has asked President Clinton to send Ms. Albright to the area, in the hopes that she will be better able to represent US interests. Ms. Albright, at least, does not seem quite so likely as Ross to speak for the interests of the Zionist Likud lobby within the US Administration.

Until Clinton honors his pledge and exerts the necessary pressure on the Israeli side, which has so far failed to honor the peace agreements, Palestinians should maintain their current position. They should refuse to make any more concessions. Otherwise, Israel will be in a stronger position to kill off the Palestinian dream of establishing the Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital. The establishment of this state will be a strong foundation for peace in the Middle East and, by easing tensions and freeing energies and resources both here and abroad, will contribute to peace world-wide.

Nearly two years have passed, in which we have experienced “much ado about nothing”, as Israeli and US negotiators have attempted to undermine the terms of reference of the Oslo Accord — to negate UN Resolutions 242 and 338, along with the principle of “land for peace”, as phrased in “notes for the record” in the Hebron Protocol. To nullify these terms of reference is to put an end to the legal basis of the Oslo agreement and to deny the legitimacy of the Palestinian demand for the return of our land.

A review of Israeli contempt for deadlines shows that this in fact is what is happening. From Rubin and Peres down to Netenyahu, Israeli leaders have shown their disrespect for a negotiated political settlement, including the schedules agreed upon for this work. One can’t help but wonder will happen on the date of May 4, 1999, the day agreed on in the Oslo Accord for the end of the interim stage of negotiations. By the end of this stage, the two parties are to have fulfilled the obligations each assumed in the framework of the agreement. Now Israeli leaders have begun to say that “dates are not sacred.” Are we to understand from this that agreements are not sacred, and that the Israelis are announcing their failure to honor their commitments? Palestinians fear that the date will arrive for the end of negotiations without any agreements having been made.

So should the Palestinians surrender? Should we accept a two-year extension of the negotiating period, as Israeli Labor Party ideologists have suggested?

The Fateh Central Committee has discussed in depth the current situation. They reaffirm that a unified Palestinian position is a necessity to ensure our credibility and the maintenance of a strong front.

This time, when we declare a Palestinian state, as we live within the liberated parts of our homeland, our position is different from the declaration of independence made when we were in the Diaspora. Now, the fact that we have existing executive, judicial and legislative institutions puts teeth into our declaration. Next year’s declaration of independence represents a move from self-rule to the creation of a truly sovereign state.

We understand that achievement of our sovereignty depends to some measure on the world’s willingness to recognize the state of Palestine. Thus we have work to do, in order to ensure that we will obtain the recognition we need from Europe and the rest of the world. Already, the non-aligned countries, all 114 of them, who met recently in South Africa, have expressed their readiness to recognize the new Palestinian state.

When Palestine is recognized by the nations of the world as an independent state, and what Israel views now as disputed land becomes our nation, Netenyahu and the Likud Party will be forced to act responsibly before the eyes of the world. No longer will Shamir’s philosophy of wading through ten years of negotiation before yielding one inch of land be allowed to govern Israel’s actions.

The PLO must play a leading role within the liberated PNA territories and take the lead, as well, within the Diaspora, in the attempt to mobilize the Palestinian people for the coming struggle. Both within the West Bank and Gaza and outside, the PLO must activate all Palestinian institutions and to ensure national unity by involving non-PLO parties such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad. The PLO, its Executive Committee, and President Arafat, as head of that committee, form an administration that should use all available resources, including Fateh, the movement which can turn dreams into realities.

Among us, the declaration of the Palestinian state should not unravel into a yes/no discussion, but must focus on the specific ways in which we will work to realize our independence — without, however, degenerating into internal arguments over minute tactical details.

Finally, any interim agreement should include Palestinian insistence on unconditional Israeli acceptance of the US initiative now being considered. Any interim agreement should also contain the following:

  1. an explicit pledge on Israel’s part to halt settlement construction;
  2. no prohibition of the Palestinian right to declare a state on May 4, 1999; and
  3. commitment on Israel’s part to carry out the third troop redeployment, as well as any other interim steps agreed upon in the Oslo Accord, before final status negotiations are begun.

Revolution until victory!

PA Security Chief: We Drafted 25 Hamas Terrorists into Palestinian Security Forces to Protect Them from Israel

Following are excerpts of an interview on 24th September, 1998, with Muhammad Dahlan, head of the Palestinian Preventive Security Service in Gaza, which was conducted by the official Palestinian Authority newspaper Al-Hayat Al-Jadeeda.

Question: The Preventive Security Service has been criticized for not accepting into its ranks people who are not members of Fatah.

Dahlan: That is not correct. We have enlisted into the ranks of the Preventive Security Service many of our brothers active in other organizations opposed to the agreement and I have considered this to be a personal goal Matters reached the point where we engaged in a huge political battle with the Americans and the Israelis over the enlistment of some 25 members of the Hamas military wing, which was done as part of our overall responsibility toward all members of the Palestinian people. Israel accuses them of being the hard-core military infrastructure of the Izz a-Din Al-Kassam brigades [the Hamas terror cells]. We arrested them in the past for various security-related matters, but we saw no reason to continue to detain them. Since the Israeli Prime Minister contested the matter, we made a historic, national decision to protect them. We said very clearly to the Israelis that an attack on any of them would be an attack on the entire Palestinian Preventive Security Service. Thus, we protected them and gave them the opportunity for an honorable life.”

The Security Situation Today

1) The Arabs in Judea and Samaria have for months been performing training exercises aimed at attacking the Jewish communities. I and others in the area have been trying desperately to bring this state of affairs to the government’s attention. Two weeks ago, I went with the secretary of my community to the Knesset to inform certain members of Knesset of these ominous circumstances. We were shocked when the head of the Knesset Foreign Relations and Security Committee MK Uzi Landau told us that according to the Shabak (General Security Service) heads, there is no Arab shooting going on in Judea and Samaria. I was utterly taken aback, and exclaimed that even my three-year-old daughter knows that there are explosions and shooting going on every night – how is it possible that the heads of the GSS aren’t aware of it? Only a few days later did I receive reports from reservists finishing their month in the army radio room (which acts as a liaison between civilians and army) that they received hundreds of reports every night from the Jewish communities of the constant Arab shooting and of the drastic increase in Arab attacks on the roads. The exasperating answer we get from the authorities is that the situation is under control – and we understand the message: “Please don’t ask us to do anything more.”

2) In Ramallah alone, a half-hour from here (20 minutes from Jerusalem), there are tens of thousands of Palestinian “police, ” though it is simply impossible to get an accurate number. Reports issued from the Prime Minister’s office in late September 1996 suggest that the PA security forces exceeded 50, 000 men. I have found opinions which state that there are currently 63, 000. Most of the professional PLO terror organizations from Lebanon, Tunis, Algeria, and Kuwait have moved here. Compounding this problem, the Arab civilians in every single Arab settlement have weapons and have trained extensively with them, making them the de facto counterparts of Israeli army reservists. This makes any attempt to ascertain the correct number and deployment of Palestinian “police” absolutely meaningless. As far as we are concerned, an armed, trained Arab, attacking our community – whether on the PA payroll or not – is a soldier who is prepared to kill Jews. Each Jewish community will face an onslaught of at least 2-3, 000 armed Arabs. Why are we not opening our eyes?

3) The Israeli army will not “arrive” to protect our communities as everyone assumes. I did my yearly army service here a few months ago, and upon hearing the briefing of my commanding Brig. General, I couldn’t believe my ears. While military and intelligence services predict war next year, the Israeli army is going to leave vast areas of Yesha to the local reservists. The Israeli Chief-of-staff just announced this past Sunday that Command’s chief mission now is to prepare for the “armed conflict” that is coming. Everyone has been under the impression that Israel has the capability to defend its communities in the event of war. But since that briefing, I have heard on three other occasions from high-up army sources that when the war comes, we reservists in the Jewish communities of Judea and Samaria will be on our own to defend ourselves. There isn’t a road in Judea and Samaria which will not be closed off by Arab snipers. How will the reservists get to their base? Many of them will probably opt to stay home to protect their families, rather than to commit suicide trying to reach their units. And let us not fool ourselves into thinking that Israel’s “leaders” will have the wisdom to pre-empt the situation with a callup of IDF’s reserves.

4) Last week I received official word from Colonel H.Z. of Civilian Defence Corps that the Jewish communities will not receive any more weapons than the meagre, almost useless stockpile that already exists and has been in place since before the intifada (“zero chance” was the expression used by this particular Colonel). From my talks with the army and members of Knesset, it is plain to see that no one in the government or army has thought out, not to mention planned to compensate for, the consequences of the new situation created by Oslo. The Jewish communities were not planned or built to withstand such an assault. The security provisions which are now in place address the needs of pre-Oslo reality. The villages are surrounded by simple fences which provide the illusion of security, and a security vehicle makes regular, predictable, and highly visible rounds. The murder at Yitzhar several weeks ago demonstrates how susceptible our communities are to attack.

5) We have enough rifle ammunition in our community to last for a maximum of two hours of shooting. We have much less ammunition than that for our heavy machine guns, which are supposed to be our main defence.

6) We are not trained to face a war situation. The army is using tactical models for preparing the communities which were relevant eight years ago – before there was even a thought that all the communities would face a simultaneous onslaught. The routine training and wargames used until today simulate a scenario in which a small group of terrorists break into a Jewish village and capture a house or public building, take hostages, and start making demands. We will not be facing such a situation anymore; rather, thousands of armed terrorists will assault all the Jewish communities at once, and their aim will not be to take hostages. I mentioned this to one of my commanders who was involved in this exercise, asking why the army doesn’t develop a more updated paradigm. He waved his hand and said, “Aw, what you’re talking about is a war_”

7) The Jewish communities are not equipped medically for the emergency situation which will result from every Jewish community being attacked simultaneously by the entire surrounding Arab population. I was told by a combat medic here that in the situation we are facing, there will not even be time to treat the injured.

Does Israel’s relentless selection of inferior weapons, training, and preparation represent sheer incompetence_or deliberate policy?

As usual, the real issues are being clouded with irrelevancies – namely, rather than protecting and preparing the Jewish communities for the war which is soon coming (according to all opinions), the government has created a disinformation smokescreen of “right-wing Jewish violence” to prevent decisive support for more than 170, 000 Jews who are under imminent threat.

The army has absolutely no way of dealing with a mass simultaneous eruption of armed violence. Rather than distributing adequate weapons, providing training, erecting barricades which can withstand artillery and mortar fire, setting up field hospitals, organizing emergency food and water, or even preparing the nation psychologically for war – the Israeli government continues to ignore the situation (and history), hoping it will go away. The message which is constantly being given in the media and in private meetings with us is that the army has the situation totally under control, and that the IDF is prepared for every eventuality. Well, that just isn’t so.

During the Arab riots of Sukkot three years ago, the army was unable to provide security in Yesha when most of the actual sniper shooting was concentrated in just a few points, and the local Arab settler population harassed all of the Jewish communities with rocks and Molotov cocktails. Back then, the IDF took an average of an hour to reach a distress call, because they were so sparsely deployed. Then, the Arabs were not trained and organized for an all-out war against us. Now they are. Then, the Arabs did not yet posses light anti-tank missiles, rocket propelled grenades, or Stinger antiaircraft missiles. Now they do. Within a matter of months we will be facing an all-out effort to physically exterminate the Jewish communities. Faisal Husseini has already declared that there will be a war on or around May 9, 1999. The clock is ticking. Doesn’t anyone understand what is happening? People absolutely must wake up.

Those who are interested in helping to publicize this issue are urgently requested to please contact me. The Land of Israel belongs to every single Jew, and it is all of our responsibility to know the truth. And G-d Who keeps alive the remnant of Israel will show His mercy for which we pray. We wait for G-d’s help.

The author can be contacted at
Yishuv Nachliel
Phone: (+972-8) 924-0365
Mobile: (+972-5) 284-7195

Mofaz Sees Armed Conflict in 1999

Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Sha’ul Mofaz told a closed group of top Central Command officers last week that he sees the Command’s chief mission as preparing for the armed conflict that he feels is likely to break out in 1999. Mofaz told the officers that they should prepare for various eventualities, as “the uncertainty surrounding the diplomatic process is an important factor.” He said that lines of communication with the PA must remain open, and added that the officers should “exhibit understanding for the needs of the Jewish residents of Yesha, who are living under difficult circumstances, ” adding that these must be within the framework of the law.

Comment: Public pressure from among Jewish residents is being felt. It has moved the Israeli government to send up yet another smokescreen forewarning “the uncertainty surrounding the diplomatic process” and counseling “understanding the needs of the Jewish residents.” Our “needs” are appropriate training and weapons to defend ourselves, not “understanding.” All of a sudden the IDF should “prepare for various eventualities.” Why not just say “prepare for war”? Through this deliberate confusing and minimizing of the issue, Mofaz and the Israeli government are revealing Israel’s utter vulnerability.

“_adding that these must be within the framework of the law.” Mofaz was addressing his top Central Command officers, wasn’t he? Was he worried that his officers might take the law into their own hands? What, then, is the meaning of this insinuation, and who was really meant to hear it? This news report is pervaded with disinformation, aimed at soothing the residents of Israel into believing that someone is worried for their security.

The Jewish communities of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza have been abandoned with virtually no weapons, training, community preparation, or even the basic knowledge of what is about to happen. Meanwhile, the Arabs are getting ready, security is getting the rhetoric, and the Jewish people are getting deception, cowardice, and a heavily drugged sleep.

PA Leader Faisal Huseini: PA Plans War 4th May, 1999

“We are willing to die; for them every death is a tragedy…”

[Huseini:] Oslo is dead and buried. The Palestinian youth, especially in the refugee camps, wants to start fighting again, and we are having a great deal of trouble holding them back. Despite everything, we have decided to be patient until the end of the five-year interim period so that nobody can say that it was us who sabotaged the peace process. But on 4 May 1999, we will announce the independence of the Palestinian state. We will forcefully open up our borders with Jordan and Egypt, which are currently controlled by the Israeli army. There will be violent confrontation and death, but this time on both sides. Are the Israelis more numerous and better equipped? Yes, but the superiority of us Palestinians lies in the fact that we are willing to lay down our lives, whereas for them every death is a tragedy that society cannot bear. We have no other solution. But watch out If, yet again, the world lets Israel do what it wants, and if the PLO leadership fails in its last fight, then it will fall because the people will no longer have confidence in it. The only alternative will be Hamas. The fundamentalists are waiting; they are prepared to take power. Where Jerusalem is concerned they are capable of mobilizing Muslims from around the world — from Iran, Pakistan, and Morocco. There will be popular reactions everywhere; no Middle East government will be secure. The political map of the region will be sent into turmoil, and then Israel will have real reasons to be afraid!

As for the Western capitals, none of them will be safe. Nobody will be able stop the suicide attacks carried out by these young people who have been made desperate by years of sacrifice that have led to nothing. And since in Israel, the Jewish fundamentalists, who are already very powerful, will take power — that will mean a clash between two versions of fundamentalism. Unless the Palestinian question is resolved, then what we are seeing today is nothing compared to what could happen. Given Israel’s means of destruction, as well as those held by several Muslim countries, the entire world will be in danger.

Al-Barghuthi Says ‘Thousands’ Trained for Possible Clash

… Al-Barghuthi believes that procedures to establish a Palestinian state have actually begun with the establishment of the first Palestinian Authority in our history. Since the establishment of that authority, he aid, the building of the state has been going on despite some failures and we should not close our eyes to the many successes we have made. We should prepare ourselves to confront any danger, such as a possible Israeli decision to reoccupy the areas of the Palestinian National Authority or destroy the Palestinian Authority itself. We have to prepare ourselves to confront that option on the ground, planned for by the Israeli rulers.

Al-Barghuthi said that the Palestinian people are ready to do what they can to protect their territories and that some preparations are under way to confront such a possibility. We have been able, he said, to train thousands of youths and hold various military training courses for that purpose.

I believe, he said, the whole Arab nation will be put to test toward the Palestinian people’s cause next year, wondering if the Arabs can protect the Palestinian state.

He also said that the Palestinians should move at the international level to secure an international support from the EU and the United Nations because such a state, if established under Resolution No. 181, will rely on the international legitimacy; that there is no opportunity for reaching any accord with the Israelis ensuring the minimum rights of the Palestinian people; and that what is going on in this regard is sheer illusion.

He also said I believe that the peace process will further deteriorate if the current Israeli Government does not take a new position. The situation is moving toward explosion, and the Palestinian people will not sit back with folded arms before the Israeli settlement building process and the terrorism of confiscating lands. Rather, they will resist the Israelis in every available way, and any future violence should be blamed on the Israeli Government alone.

Al-Ahram: Scott Ritter, Jews, Summer Market, Islam

The ‘Mischief Maker'[Scott Ritter] Bows Out
by Special Correspondent

Full Text

It was clear that the Iraqi officials waiting on the tarmac last December were nervous. A 15-man UN weapons inspection team was about to land at the Habanniya military base, some 65 kilometres west of Baghdad, and Scott Ritter, the “mischief maker, ” as he was called by the Iraqis, would be at the head of one of the teams.

True to form, instead of heading with the team to the UN’s Baghdad headquarters, Ritter steered his convoy, inspectors and their Iraqi minders, to a nearby tourist village where he asked for immediate access to the site. For the Iraqis, the request was not only bizarre but dubious. Habanniya Lake is a tourist site but is also part of President Saddam Hussein’s official family resort. The inspectors got in, conducted their cloak-and-dagger search, all the while ignoring Iraqi protests. They found nothing illegal.

The incident explains Iraq’s tense relationship with Ritter, who announced this week he was quitting the inspection teams. A former US marine intelligence officer, Ritter charged that United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the Security Council and the Clinton administration had stymied the inspectors on “the doorstep of uncovering Iraq’s weapons programme.”

In scathing criticism of Annan, Ritter accused the UN secretary-general of allowing his office to become a “sounding board for Iraqi grievances, real or imagined.” He also singled out the United States for failing to fight for the inspectors’ unrestricted access to suspected weapons sites. As for the Security Council, Ritter said it was not maintaining pressure on Iraq.

Iraqi newspapers rejoiced in Ritter’s bombshell announcement. They trumpeted his resignation as a triumph and the culmination of efforts to redefine the work of the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM), which Baghdad has repeatedly said is dictated by the US. Baghdad had accused Ritter of being a spy for the CIA and an agent for the Israeli intelligence, Mossad. It claimed he was serving American and Israeli interests and was seeking to prolong the economic sanctions against Iraq, which were imposed after its 1990 invasion of Kuwait.

In the wake of Ritter’s exit, Iraqi dailies reiterated the spy accusations but this time, they had something to back up their claims: reports in the American media that Ritter’s resignation was prompted by an FBI investigation that he had supplied information about UNSCOM to a foreign county, presumably Israel. They said his letter of resignation was “a noisy attempt” to blackmail the United Nations and the Security Council and cover up his Israeli links.

Long before his resignation, Ritter had become persona non grata in Iraq. In September 1997, he was turned away when he tried to inspect a presidential complex on the western bank of the Tigris River in Baghdad. The incident, which gave rise to the term “intrusive inspection, ” was repeated in March only a few weeks after Iraq’s Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Aziz and Annan signed an agreement to establish new rules for the inspections. Under the 11th-hour accord, which averted probable US military action, Saddam’s palaces and homes were to become accessible to UN inspections.

But it was in June, when Ritter tried to launch one of his inspections at a sensitive site in Baghdad, that the tables suddenly turned. Now it was Washington’s turn to object. President Bill Clinton’s administration had decided that it would no longer support such inspections and would adopt a new, less antagonistic policy towards Iraq. On 4 August, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright reportedly cautioned chief weapons inspector Richard Butler against mounting any surprise visits in Iraq. Indeed, the Washington Post reported that on at least six occasions Albright persuaded Butler to rescind orders for surprise searches in an effort to avoid a confrontation with Baghdad. That left Ritter singing out of tune.

Ritter labelled the policy shift a farce. In his resignation letter he wrote: “What is being propagated by the Security Council today in relation to the work of the Special Commission is such an illusion, one which, in all good faith I cannot and will not be a party to.”

Ritter later told an international news agency: “If we continue down this path, there will be a compromise solution. The Special Commission will be compelled to close files prematurely and the result will be that Iraq will be allowed to maintain weapons of mass destruction which they were called upon to get rid of by the Security Council.”

Ritter’s criticism has thrown the administration on the defensive. “What might the consequences be, in Iraq and around the world, of such appeasement, ” wrote the Washington Post in an editorial. “In this century we learnt through hard experience that the only answer to aggression and illegal behaviour is firmness, determination and when necessary action, ” it added. Similar articles appeared in other major American newspapers warning the administration against “letting Saddam get away with vitiating” the weapons inspections.

It has been a month since Saddam ordered a suspension of cooperation with UN inspectors. The world is now watching to see what will be America’s next move. In the wake of Ritter’s blitz, which prompted attacks, especially by hawkish congressmen, on the administration’s policy on Iraq, Albright wrote in the New York Times that the United States will stand firm on Iraq “no matter what.” What that means remains to be seen. For now, the Iraqi media will continue to delight in Ritter’s resignation and savour the moment.

Book Review
by Mahmoud El-Wardani

Full Text

Hekayit Al-Yahoud (The Story of the Jews), Zakaria El-Heggawi. Cairo: The Cultural Palaces Organisation, 1998

Heggawi dedicated his life to the study and collection of folkloric literature from oral or written sources. This book, which first appeared in 1967 and has recently been republished, was intended to be the first volume of an ambitious encyclopedia of Egyptian folklore, one which would document its motifs, recurring themes and so on. But Heggawi died before the project could ever materialise. This book, the putative first volume of an encyclopedia, concerns itself with the representation of the Jew in folk epics and popular sayings from Pharaonic to modern times, stopping at 1948 when, with the establishment of the state of Israel, the popular Egyptian image of the Jew changed radically.

A Sweet and Sour Summer
by Fatemah Farag

“The heat has not been kind to the colourful summer fruit. Fatemah Farag reports on the poor state of the fruit and vendors’ dispaior at the wholesale market.”

“All the heavy-duty carriers are women.”

Excerpts

Fruit, fruit and more fruit is what you will find in stall after stall of a large section of the Al-Obour wholesale market on the eastern outskirts of Cairo. The mundane bananas and oranges of the winter season have been replaced by exotic summer produce, including such delicacies as mangoes and figs.

“The four summer months are our peak season, ” said Adel, who has been in the business for the past 30 years. This year, however, everyone complains that one heat wave after another has taken a heavy toll on the luscious fruits and the profits they bring in.

At the unseemly hour of 4.30 am, Al-Obour is well lit and there is tension in the air.


The auction is the climax of the pre-dawn activity. “Every morning, seven days a week, we auction off the fruits of the day. Much of the summer produce, like figs, have to be brought in from farms on a daily basis, and sold immediately to retail dealers and consumers because they cannot be kept in storage, ” Adel explains.

Like many of the stall-owners, Adel sells the produce of farmers in return for a commission; hence his name komisyongi. (middle-man). Others sell their own produce, such as Faysal Moftah, who sells 75 different types of mangoes produced on his farms in Ismailia.


Buyers crowding around the crates include street vendors, fruit shop owners and agents for hotels and restaurants. For those who cannot afford the relatively high prices of the merchandise, crates of nearly rotten produce are piled out front. “These are bought by vendors who sell in [poor] neighbourhoods…, explains Adel.

But the category of those incapable of buying seems to be expanding. “We do not understand, ” complained Moftah. “According to the rules of economics, when supply is low, prices should go up. But this has not been the case at the market this year. Although the mango supply reaching the market is down by 70 per cent, the prices are a third of what they should be.”

According to Nasrallah Afifi, who brings figs from Al-Arish to the market, “It seems that people are unable to buy, which means that the wholesale dealer will not get his money back, and so we have to sell for less. If my produce remains, it goes bad and that is a disaster.”


Economics is not the only thing which seems to defy conventional orthodoxy at the market. “All the heavy-duty carriers are women, ” points out Moftah. Old or young, a woman can balance up to five heavy fruit crates on her head and walk a distance of about one kilometre to the car park many times a day. Aren’t men supposed to be stronger and better at such jobs? “Not here, ” is the enthusiastic answer. “Here, they [the women] are stronger and faster.” He forgot to add that they are probably much cheaper as well.

Nurturing Difference
Reviewed by David Blanks

Islam, Gender and Social Change
edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and John L. Esposito,
New York and Oxford,
Oxford University Press 1998

The editors are members of the Centre for Muslim-Christian Understanding, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C.

Excerpts

Throughout the post-colonial Muslim world gender has emerged as a central concern because the family is on the frontier.

It is the frontier… but the battle lines have been drawn between public and private space. Gender has been politicised precisely because women represent cultural autonomy. They are, for many, the standard bearers of tradition, the heralds of an indigenous Islamic legitimacy. This holds true across the region and across the political spectrum. Even relatively progressive, nominally secular states, which have adopted large parts of western legal codes, frequently leave family, marriage, and inheritance laws to the authority of Islamic jurisprudence. Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and Yemen have ratified the United Nations’ Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, but some, Egypt included, have stipulated reservations about article 16 concerning the equality of men and women in matters relating to marriage and the family. According to Nadia Hijab “the fact that family law has developed within an Islamic framework means that Arab women can be equal outside the home but not within it.”

Several authors note that the subordination of women serves the patriarchal agenda of secularist and Islamist alike. In an engaging chapter on modern Egypt, Mervat Hatem argues that the secular and Islamist discourses share certain assumptions about gender roles. The secularists, who advocate civil society and civil government, feel that religion should be restricted to the spiritual realm — but in practice this means the domestic sphere. Although secularists fear that the creation of an Islamic state would put an end to the modern non-religious, non-gendered bases of citizenship; nonetheless, they have abrogated their responsibility for passing and enforcing adequate personal status laws.

Secularists and Islamists likewise share the belief that a woman’s place is in the home — albeit with a crucial difference in their underlying assumptions. Conservatives do not see gender as a final frontier between East and West, tradition and modernity; on the contrary, they would like to see the Islamic framework that is embodied in their understanding of gender extended to the public sphere as well. This does not mean, as Hatem contends, that Islamists are “anti-modern, ” as some critics have charged. In fact, she suggests, conservatives share with their ideological opponents some of the most important aspects of the modernist vision. In terms of women and the family, this translates into an insistence on education, science and professional knowledge as the basis of an Islamic upbringing.


Some {chapters} are aimed rather too much at a non-specialist, western audience. Thus for anyone living in or familiar with the Muslim world, Carol J. Riphenburg’s chapter on Oman will be disappointing. Culled mostly from secondary analyses and overly dependent upon an uncritical reading of religious texts, the essay comes off as somewhat naive.


{T}he author loses credibility when she asserts that “women in the Gulf area, unlike most parts of the Muslim East, have always received their assured shares of inheritance as designated in the Quran.” Similarly, she wrongly remarks that “throughout the Arab world, equal pay for equal work has been a long-standing tradition.”


Nadia Hijab, senior human development officer at the United Nations’ Development Programme… is cautiously optimistic. She is concerned that women are “in the unenviable position of having to choose between rights and respect” but is encouraged that “at last the debate on women’s roles is catching up with the reality of women’s lives.”

Translations by
Dr. Joseph Lerner,
Co-Director IMRA (Independent Media Review & Analysis)
P.O.BOX 982 Kfar Sava
Tel: (+972-9) 760-4719
Fax: (+972-9) 741-1645
imra@netvision.net.il

A New Exodus . . . of Traditional Orthodox Jews from Jerusalem? Am I Reading Correctly?

As I write this article, I have preferred not to use the term “haredi” to describe traditional Orthodox Jews, since the term “haredi” conveys a pejorative meaning that connotes fanaticism and a lack of tolerance. I would not use “haredi” to describe Orthodox Jews any more than I would use the word “cofrim” to describe the general population of Israel, a term that would connote a heretical attitude to Judaism and to Jewish religious observance.


The city of Jerusalem witnesses the exodus of about 16,000 Jews every year, and the immigration to Jerusalem of about the same number. Over the past few years, a slew of politicians have made it a point to warn that a traditional Orthodox Jewish population is replacing a less observant Jewish population that is leaving the city. Among the politicians who have been quoted on this matter of late have been Mayoral candidates Shimon Shitrit, Naomi Chazan and Arnon Yekutiali, along with former Jerusalem Mayor Teddy Kollek. It has become almost an axiom in Israeli politics that traditional Orthodox Jews are entering Jerusalem in droves while less observant Jews are leaving.

Well, this axiom may has little basis in reality. Perhaps the greatest social crisis faced by traditional Orthodox Jews today in Jerusalem remains THEIR emigration from Jerusalem. That emigration from Jerusalem now stands at about 5, 000 a year, and it will grow by leaps and bounds in the near future, as more young Orthodox Jerusalemites get married and begin new families. Why the sudden mass exodus of traditional Orthodox Jews from Jerusalem? Has the term “Next Year in Jerusalem” that will be proclaimed in synagogues after the shofar blows to complete Yom Kippur become antiquated? Has Jerusalem lost its holiness to a population that devoutly prays for Jerusalem’s restoration three times a day? Or are there other reasons?

When you visit Orthodox communities in the most traditional of venues, both in Jerusalem and outside of Jerusalem, you find out. In all cases, I have fictionalized the names of the people whom I refer to, out of respect for wishes of confidentiality. After all, what observant Jew would want to go on the record to express his disdain for living in Jerusalem?

Moshe and Chanah live in two adjacent apartments in a crowded building of about forty apartments near Meah Shearim, where they have raised eleven children since they came to live in Israel twenty eight years ago. Seven of their children are now married, and only one is staying on in Jerusalem. The rest of their married children have moved out of Jerusalem to six different cities in Israel. Moshe, who works as a scribe, mentions matter of factly that with limited resources, they could only afford to help one of their children to buy an apartment in Jerusalem, near the family, and that for purely economic reasons that his children were now living and raising their families in diverse places such as Ramat Zvi (near Zichron Yaakov) Beit Shemesh, Tzfat, Kiryat Sefer, Chatzor and Betar. Moshe went on to predict that his other four children, all soon to be of an age to marry, would also probably not live in Jerusalem. And this was the case for the young couples throughout their building. Moshe jokes that the subject most spoken about after every wedding, where the song of “If I forget thee, O Jerusalem” is where the young couple will find an apartment outside of the city – again, for what Moshe and Chanah describe as purely economic reasons. They estimate that among the one hundred or so soon to be married young couples whom they know in their circle in Meah Shearim that maybe ten will remain in Jerusalem. That means a ninety percent emigration from their community in Jerusalem.

In Beit Shemesh, Avraham and Yocheved, a traditional Orthodox couple who have moved there with their three children, note that the transition has not been easy for them. Like Jerusalem, Beit Shemesh is a mixed city that has both observant and non observant Jews living side by side. Even though the neighborhood where Avraham and Yocheved live is exclusively traditionally Orthodox, the three neighborhoods on each side of them are not, and they are getting used to that “with some pain”, as Yocheved put it. They had lived in Matesdorf, an isolated neighborhood in Jerusalem, and they had simply not been exposed to many neighbors who did not keep the Sabbath the way that they do.

Yet Yaakov and Esther, residents of Kiryat Sefer, are traditional Orthodox Jews who regret that they left their respective families in Jerusalem and who say that they could no longer enjoy Shabbat walks through the city because of all the shops, coffee houses, cinema and traffic that no frequent the center of Jerusalem. Esther mentions that this is not the way it was when she grew up in the capital twenty five years ago, when there was little traffic and hardly any store open on Shabbat. Yaakov chimes in that a walk through Jerusalem today on the Shabbat is like a carefully navigated horse drawn buggy with horse blinders, so they he and his children would not have to see all the “chilul Shabbat”, the breaking of the Sabbath, that now dominates the center of Jerusalem. Who remembers now that it was not until 1988 that cinemas showed movies on Shabbat in Jerusalem, or that only two coffee shops were open in the center of town in the early 1980’s. Today, almost all movie theaters operate on Shabbat and more that twenty coffee shops flourish, not to mention discotechues. Yaakov and Esther say with some sarcasm that if the intention of this commerce was to drive them from Jerusalem, it worked. In Kiryat Sefer, where they have lived for five years, Yaakov perks up and mentions that his children have yet to see anyone ever breaking the Sabbath, except, of course, when Yocheved’s water broke on Yom Kippur and was rushed in an ambulance to give birth on Mount Scopus last year.

Another isolated traditional Orthodox community which has attracted tens of young couples from Jerusalem is Ramat Tzvi, a self sufficient area that lies about three kilometers north of Zichron Yaakov. Miriam, recently widowed with four children, remarks that she might not have gotten the same “chesed” in one of the larger Orthodox communities in Jerusalem, where she and her late husband had been living. Neither she nor he had come from traditional Orthodox backgrounds, and they had trouble “fitting in” to any particular group in Har Nof, where they had been living. Moving to a community where almost every family was also new to Orthodoxy had its advantages. The town council immediately provided baby-sitting help for Miriam during her husband’s illness, and the community has become her children’s extended family. “Frankly”, says Miriam, “I do not know if a big city would have been so accomodating – especially since we were not part of any traditional Orthodox community before we became observant”.

Shaul and Rivka have moved their large family of ten to the Jewish quarter of Tzfat, where they have taken an old home and renovated enough rooms for the children. Shaul mentions that he never minded the mix and the ambiance of Jerusalem, but he says that he had a problem with a three room apartment with the option of putting his children to sleep on the porch, the roof, or in the downstairs shelter. “Tzfat is built on the ruins of Jerusalem” goes the expression, and, while Jerusalem is not quite in ruins, Shaul is pleased to note that new apartments are springing up throughout Tzfat and that they are at least affordable for his kids, if they should find either a Kollel or work in Tzfat in the future. Shaul comes often to Jerusalem, explaining that Jerusalem is close to Tzfat, even if Tzfat is not so close to Jerusalem. Shaul says that “It is a common thing to casually suggest to someone in the streets of Tzfat that they go to dovon Mincha, the afternoon prayers, at the western wall”. What’s a three and a half hour trip to the Holy City. Yet Shaul says that he never remembers anyone ever coming up to him on the street in Jerusalem and saying, “hey, how about a dip in the Ari’s Mikveh in Tzfat this afternoon”. Traditional Jews from Tzfat simply frequent Jerusalem more than their traditional counterparts from Jerusalem visit Tzfat.

Only last year, Yizthak and Leah moved from Bayit Vegan to Emmanual, while their children moved to Beit El and to Shilo, all in the Shomron. For what they sold their apartment in Bayit Vegan, they were able to make down payments on three places north of Jerusalem. Leah says that trading the view that they had of Sheerai Tzedek hospital and Mount Herzl for the views that each of their families now have of the hills of Samaria is “quite a change”. Another change for them is that while Emanuel is of a traditional Orthodox nature, with no TV’s and little education for Zionism per se, Beit El and Shilo represent the epitome of modern Orthodoxy and nationalist Zionism. Leah’s children, Pinchas and Devorah, now living in Beit El and Shilo, respond philosophically, saying that they had lived their whole lives side by side with secular neighbors and that now, for the first time, they are meeting a “different kind of Orthodox Jew”. Both Pinchas and Leah seem confident that their kids will adjust to the change.

Shlomo and his wife Rivka are both teachers in Talmud Torahs in Jerusalem. They had been living in Makor Baruch with their five children. They now live in Nechalim, and commute every day to Jerusalem. Again, the price of the apartment brought them to leave Jerusalem. Even more interesting, though, is the story of Shlomo’s brother Shmuel, who has moved to Bnai Brak to a more expensive flat than the one he had in Geula. Why the move to Bnai Brak? For a Rabbi? No – for business. Shmuel describes a burgeoning high tech world that has expanded into Bnai Brak, with tens of firms that seek out young men with Yeshiva backgrounds and young women with Beis Yaakov backgrounds. The firms set up a system where young men are employed by a business in the neighborhood while the business offers to install a computer in the home and train the wife with computer skills. The firms interact with other high tech companies in near by Tel Aviv. Shmuel remarks that “they have even attached a bassinet and all the necessary arrangements for my wife to breast-feed our newborn at the computer” This Orthodox exodus from Jerusalem also seems to be spilling over to Brooklyn. London and to Antwerp, as parents describe the opportunities that their children are getting from abroad. The sheer amount of travel agents in Meah Shearim that make a business of connecting families between outside of Israel and Jerusalem speaks for itself.

The issue of Orthodox emigration from Jerusalem is very real indeed. My impression is that it is not confined only to Ashkenazic Orthodox Jews of European or American background. The leaders of the burgeoning Shas communities of traditional Sephardic Jews are delivering weekly sermons in which they encourage teachers and Rabbis to move to the periphery of Israel, to places like Chatzor, Kiryat Malachi, Kiryat Gat, Yerucham and Dimona. As one Sephardic rabbi put it recently, “we must bring the light of Jerusalem to ignite the whole country with the spirit of Torah”. What that means in practical terms is that some of the best and the brightest of Shas also plan to leave Jerusalem in the years to come.

Many Orthodox Jews might as well say “Next Year not in Jerusalem”.