A Wound for Life: My Son Caught in the Line of Fire at his Yeshiva

You might want to sit down before you read this.

Gilad’s school/”Mechinah” program in Atzmona in the Gush Katif (Gaza) area was attacked Thursday night at approx. 11.30 p.m. A lone terrorist came into the settlement right near the south eastern section near the school. Mostly all of the 120 boys were in the “Beit Midrash” study hall as Thursday nights they stay up most of the night learning. (Remember– these boys are not force to learn but do it for “torah l’shma” just for the sake of learning.)

Unfortunately, two boys were out at their cabin. The terrorist killed them first at point blank range. He then proceeded to the styudy hall. Luckily another boy near the door thought he heard something and told everyone in their section to get down and shut off the lights. Gilad says that he looked outside and saw the terrorist heading for the study hall. Gilad, in his 6ft 3in frame crept under his desk like the others. The terrorist went straight in, and thank G-d, didn’t notice the 70 boys on the floor. But, He went towards the room on the end which was lit and the boys there didn’t know what to expect. The terrorist let off his m-16. The rabbi.teacher had a gun and shot back. The Rabbi got 2 bullets in him. The terrorist threw a few grenades. The carnage in that room totaled 3 boys dead with around 3 0 injured. The terrorist went out and was met by a local lt. col who killed him in a chase.

Gilad called us at 11. 45 to tell us “I’m ok, but others are not”. We didn’t know what he was talking about and put on the news on the radio and tv. The incident made the news right away. Gilad called back at 12.30 and told us of the gruesome details.

The next day, Friday, it was on the news. 23 boys were hospitalized with wounds for life. Gilad phoned to tell us that he was going to the 5 boys funerals. 4 in Jerusalem and the other in Petach Tikva. Transportation was being provided by the school. Gilad returned 15 minutes before Shabbat commenced. He was sunburned and literrally drained. (He actually looked quite well with his pony tail and now much darker skin.) He’ll be 19 on April 20th and already has been to more funerals than I have by 35.

On Friday night in Schul, the Rabbi announced special psalms to be said before the shabbat prayers and then he gave a short sermon. The Rabbi remarked that he attended some of the funerals. But, he told of the faith of one boy who he has known for 12 years and who went to each funeral. He was talking about Gilad, whom he did mention by name. He said that he saw Gilad with his mates and showed such strength and faith that he needed to commend him. He knew that Gilad knew some of these boys for a number of years as they went through high school and junior high school together.

The schule’s announcements included that they wished to be together with Gilad and his prayers for “Gomel” ( fate) being good to him this day.

Just three months ago, all of the families were invited on Hanukah to see this unique community. On one side, the refuge camp of Khan Yunis. The other side, a beduin camp leading to Rafiach and the Egyptian border. Conversely, on the eastern side, the most beautiful beaches seen in Israel. Sand as white as snow which would be the dream of any resort in the world would want to possess.

So, I had a strong drink (southern comfort) on Shabbat. Although I should have had it Thursday night or Friday night as, for sure, I lost some sleep. Gilad and my other sons also joined me in a “l’haim” and maybe you all should, too. Nahum is a business consultant and accountant who lives and works in Jerusalem. Nahum is married and the father of four boys, ages 14 to 22. Gilad is son number three, and will be 19 next month.

Manic Depression in Israel? The Eroded Spirit of Israeli Society

There is a sense among the public of depression, powerlessness, and even despair over the situation. Indeed, we are undergoing a monstrous wave of terror, unprecedented in its atrocity, but still this sense is unjustified.

The public, it appears, suffers from a sort of manic depression when it comes to events. In the Oslo years we held hedonistic festivities to mark the end of the era of war, and it was precisely then that there was cause for deep concern, because of the deception regarding our true relations with the Palestinians and Arabs. We so much wanted peace and stability in the region that we ignored all the signs that heralded trouble. Today the situation is the opposite: deep depression, personal and collective, when there are in fact signs that herald good.

Israel is one of the 25 richest nations on earth, with a GNP of USD 114 billion a year, the same as all the neighboring Arab states combined (the PA’s annual GNP is USD 2.5 billion, of Jordan USD 9 billion, of Lebanon 18 billion and of Egypt 83 billion). Per capita, we have already passed Greece, Portugal, Spain, and we are not far from Italy, France and Britain. The Israeli economy is strong despite everything. True, there is unemployment and the economic situation is difficult but even in these days, there is no capital fleeing Israel, according to Governor of the Bank of Israel David Klein. The future is Israel’s: except for the United States, Israel tops the world’s nations when it comes to hi-tech innovation and Internet startups, a branch that is likely to again prosper soon.

If we fear an all-out war, there is no Arab regime in the entire Middle East that wants to go to war against Israel, not even Iraq. No Arab country can afford to fund such a war, because they are all sunk in great economic distress. Many in the region realize that the Palestinian disturbances are not just an Israeli problem, but rather of all them: there is no tourism, no work, no foreign investment. In contrast to the impression in the world media, the Islamic movements are in decline in the Arab world, because their message is viewed more and more as illusions for the masses.

The Palestinian Intifada has brought to Israel social solidarity that we have not had for years. Not that our differences have been solved, but there is deep sense of a shared fate that prevents further polarization. Not that we should not protest against a weak government that cannot find its way, but today it is clear to everyone which lines should not be crossed in social relations. Thus, if there those among the Arabs who hoped to disintegrate Israeli society, the results were the reverse.

The separation fence, which will ultimately be built, will safeguard Israel in the future from a demographic aspect and will maintain its identity as a strong Jewish state. It will prevent, unlike what occurred in the Oslo years, our being deluged by Palestinians, infiltrators from the Third Word into the First World, coming to work, to live and to become citizens.

And finally, experience teaches us that no Arab ruler has ever reached a serious agreement with Israel unless he had no other choice. So it was with Sadat when Egypt could not provide bread to the masses, with Arafat after the Gulf War, with Hussein after Oslo and with Bashir Jumayel in the Lebanese civil war. This is likely to happen now, too. The Oslo process did not get the sides to truly know each other. Perhaps this blood bath will in fact get the Palestinians, as well as the Israelis, to realize that they have no other choice but to recognize the other side’s rights, on the way to rapprochement and quiet.

This article ran in the March 7th issue of Yediot Aharonot

The Fatah Website: “A Strategy of Peace”

With thanks to IMRA for posting this.

[IMRA: Once again Yasser Arafat’s Fatah makes clear – (even in English!) that they do not consider themselves obligated to honor the signed commitment that was a necessary condition for Oslo – that the Palestinians would not use violence. Abandon that commitment and Oslo is (as it has become) a farce. And, contrary to the narrative below, Palestinian violence began (continued) from day one of Oslo.

Note also the interesting wording: “The areas to be reoccupied are those where the confrontation should occur although it might be bloody for the Israeli side.” = kill Israelis in the territories but there also “might be” killing Israelis inside the Green Line.]

The Declaration of Principles (D.O.P.), i.e. the Oslo Accord, signed in 1993, introduced a strategy of peace between the P.L.O. and the government of Israel. The agreement did not elicit the required consensus, but later it won the absolute majority. This gave it the momentum it needed to develop into the interim stage during which the PNA, its legislative council, and the President were elected and the negotiations were launched.

In the same year, however, the Israeli electorate rejected the Oslo peace approach when they refused the candidate of the Labor Party, Shimon Peres. Instead, Netenyahu was brought into office as the representative of a party, the Likud, that voted against the Oslo Accord.

The Palestinian strategy of peace was met with one of war from the Israeli side. In fact, one can think of the September 1996 uprising as a Palestinian reaction to Israeli attempts to abandon their commitments under the Oslo Accord. It was then President Clinton who forced Netenyahu’s government to sign the Hebron Protocol. Although the Protocol had more votes in the Knesset than the Oslo Accord did, the Likud representatives remained faithful to their nature.

They showed their disregard for peace when their party launched a campaign to build a settlement on Abu Ghneim Mountain. The step was in line with the Likud’s ideology that rejects the dismantling of settlements. It also denies all the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people including the establishment of a Palestinian state, the return of Jerusalem, or the right of return for the Palestinian refugees – all the basic requirements of peace.

Despite Clinton’s efforts that led to the signing of the Wye River Memo, the peace process deteriorated as a result of Netenyahu’s government insistence on lowering the expectations of the Palestinian people through the use of force.

Netenyahu left the political scene to be replaced by a Laborite of Likud tendencies- Barak. He adopted his predecessor’s policies in trying to lower our expectations. His proposals at Camp David II showed his true intentions after he refused for months to fulfill Israel’s obligations under the agreements signed. These proposals were reflected in Clinton’s that were originally phrased by the Zionist Denis Ross. They violated different aspects of UN resolutions. In fact, Barak later acknowledged that his proposal concerning Jerusalem was not real, and it was put forward just to know the PNA’s position on the issue.

The war on the Palestinian people escalated in the aftermath of Sharon’s obnoxious visit to al Aqsa Mosque. The Palestinians reacted in order to stress their desire for a true peace based on international legality. The Intifada has aimed to emphasize the Arab and Islamic character of al Aqsa and Jerusalem in addition to the other basic national principles.

Many observers think that Sharon does not have a political project to offer at the negotiating table. This is not fully true; Sharon has a complete political project that he wants to impose on the Palestinian people. He does not believe in negotiations since he assumes that there isn’t an equal partner. But he will not succeed where his predecessor failed.

At Camp David II, President Arafat refused Clinton’s proposals that apparently suggested an Israeli withdrawal from 95% of the area of the West Bank. As a matter of fact, Israel was supposed to move its troops out from only 69% of the West Bank area. 26% of the area was left out to be controlled by Israel, and this includes places like Jerusalem, the Dead Sea, the demilitarized zone, and al Latroun. The 69% from which Israel was supposed to withdraw is made up of three cantons in addition to a fourth in Gaza.

It is clear that what was offered at Camp David II did not represent a golden opportunity. In comparison, Sharon’s political project suggests a withdrawal from 42% of the West Bank area leaving final status issues to be negotiated in a prolonged interim period.

The Israeli military escalation against the peaceful functions of the Intifada elicited a Palestinian military response against the Israeli occupying army and the illegal settlers. This enabled Barak and, later, Sharon to picture the Intifada as part of a military confrontation between two parties. It should be noted here that the right to resist occupation is legitimate in areas internationally endorsed as occupied areas.

Israel has been using its military power in an unequal confrontation to impose Sharon’s political project on the Palestinians. For this purpose, Israel turned the Palestinian territories into a battlefield. It controlled the roads and practiced all evil acts including the assassination of Intifada activists, the occupation of PNA-controlled areas, and besieging cities and villages.

All these practices failed to undermine the Palestinian steadfastness despite the support Sharon has received from the US Administration. He was allowed to ‘tame’ the Palestinians during the first hundred days of his government. In addition, the US envoys approved his demand of having seven days of quiet as a prelude for implementing the Mitchell report.

Sharon continued to invent methods for eliciting Palestinian reactions although President Arafat declared a cease-fire and more than seven days passed without any major incidents. He thought that the September 11th events could open the way for him to become a partner in the ‘war against terror’.

The explosions in Haifa and Jerusalem could never have been better timed to serve Sharon’s interests. The US peace envoy, Zeny, was in the area; Sharon was visiting Washington to meet George Bush; and the US was about to achieve an easy victory in Afghanistan without the need for an Arab support. Killing civilians, i.e. Israel settlers, as a result of a legitimate act of resistance was easily depicted as an act of terrorism whereas the state organized terror of Israel became legal. The Palestinian position became more awkward, especially after the US demanded the PNA to outlaw the military wings of Hamas, the Islamic Jihad, and the PFLP.

The situation deteriorated rapidly after the US adopted the Israeli position concerning ‘terrorism’. On his first visit to the area, general Zeny told President Arafat that his mission goes beyond implementing the cease-fire and it ultimately aims to establish a Palestinian state in line with the US’ s vision. Zeny’s second visit coincided with the Jerusalem-Haifa explosions that the US strongly condemned. The allegation that a Palestinian weapon shipment was on its way from Iran to the PNA complicated the situation although the PNA denied any connection to the ship.

The issue of the weapon shipment was seen as a violation of the peace agreements from the US and Israeli identical perspectives. However, if the fulfilling of obligations towards the peace agreements is the criterion upon which the US passes its judgement, what about the Israeli insistence on adopting a strategy of war and aggression against the Palestinian people? President Arafat declared on more than one occasion our adherence to the peace agreements signed with Israel. But this should not be read as a sign of weakness or surrender.

The Intifada is an integral part of the Palestinian peace strategy since it represents the only way of defending the rights that Sharon’s government persists in denying. It will remain so as long as Israel uses its arsenal to impose its version of peace that has no relevance to the UN resolutions. As a matter of fact, the Israeli flagrant violation of the peace agreements makes it unethical for any party to accuse the PNA of harboring terrorism on the false pretext of ordering a weapon shipment.

If Sharon’s government aims to destroy the possibility of future coexistence, it becomes a Palestinian responsibility to ensure that our peace strategy forbids the harming of Israeli civilians. This is in line with our Islamic heritage, and there is no justification for following the example of Sharon’s heinous aggression. We have the right to obtain weapons that we can use against Israeli tanks and fighter planes but not against Israeli civilians.

Sharon and the US managed to invest the question of the weapon shipment and placed much of the responsibility on President Arafat personally. Sharon found a golden opportunity to settle old scores with Arafat after twenty years of the battle of Beirut when he was dismissed from the Israeli ministry of war.

In his last visit, general Zeny found that the Israeli National Security Council offered the political leadership two options that specify the military strategy to be followed:

  1. To deal with Arafat as a leader who cannot conclude an agreement, but not to harm him personally. The Council called for adopting a scenario of continued pressure on Arafat to force him out of the Territories as a first step of replacing him with a more realistic leader.
  2. To place pressure on Arafat in coordination with the US Administration, assuming that Arafat would not make a strategic decision to fight terrorism, but he would adopt tactical measures that would lead to relative quiet. Israel in this case will be able to impose an interim solution to be completed later with a new leadership. (Aluf Ben, Haaretz, 5th January, 2002)

It seems that Sharon has adopted the second option excluding the first option since he knows from his experience that Arafat’s expulsion will only flare up the Intifada. The option he adopted is in line with the US current policy that wants neither to harm Arafat nor to destroy the PNA. However, the public support that Arafat has received made Sharon modify his plan that is based on the following:

  1. To keep Arafat within the range of the Israeli fire;
  2. To carry out demands that Arafat would not do to maintain the national unity that Sharon aims to harm;
  3. To reoccupy parts of the PNA-controlled areas, a step that no longer attracts the attention of the US Administration nor that of the leaders of the Arab neighboring countries;
  4. To control most of the PNA-controlled areas leaving an area of 5-10% from area (A) to prepare the grounds for implementing Sharon’s plot.

This plot is based on the following points:

  1. To sign a new agreement that nullifies all previous ones, but it will have the same terms of reference;
  2. To declare the state of Palestine with its temporary borders in areas A&B (42% of the West Bank area plus the Gaza Strip);
  3. To put a time line for an interim period during which the final status issues would be negotiated;
  4. The US Administration will pledge that the final borders of the state of Palestine are those of 4/6/1967 and what can be agreed on through negotiations including Jerusalem;
  5. To cease all forms of violence and incitement.

Israel and the US assume that what the Palestinian people might reject now will become later acceptable in better conditions to be prepared by some of those who wish to succeed Arafat. Should we therefore allow the plot to proceed until the last castle is broken through? The answer is no. We should not allow the Israeli elephant, Sharon, to destroy our china shop nor that of the Israeli people. After all, the two peoples know the advantages of living in peace and harmony.

It is the responsibility of all the forces in the Palestinian society to turn the current state of emergency into one of confrontation. This requires an emergency central committee comprised of all forces not forgetting the desirable effect that the presence of foreign delegations would have on the international community. The areas to be reoccupied are those where the confrontation should occur although it might be bloody for the Israeli side. The Israeli society has to raise its voice against Sharon whose criminal acts bring hate and disasters.

To defend our national project, we have to maintain our right to resistance, strengthen our national unity, end political detention and release all prisoners who might be arrested by Israel.

Disillusioned are those who think that a positive response to the demands of Sharon and Zeny will end Sharon’s greed. ‘Hell’ is the name of the Israeli army’s current operation, and it is an indicative name since it echoes our understanding of hell on the judgement day when hell keeps on asking for more; it never gets satisfied- like Sharon.

Revolution until Victory.

State Department Won’t Name Palestinian Killers Of Americans

American Jewish activists accuse the U.S. State Department of having a double standard when it comes to publicly naming the Palestinians terrorists who have killed American citizens in Israel. The State Department has decided not to post the Palestinians’ names on the Internet.

The activists, who long campaigned for the suspected killers’ names to be posted on the State Department’s “Rewards for Justice” website, called the decision “outrageous.” They accuse the department of employing double standards so as not to embarrass Palestinian Authority chairman Yasser Arafat.

In shootings, suicide bombings and other attacks, at least 25 a.m.ericans have died at the hands of Palestinian terrorists in the Middle East since Israel and the PA signed the Oslo interim peace accords at the White House in September 1993.

Suspects who have been widely identified include confidants of members of the PA security forces, including Arafat’s personal security contingent, according to the Zionist Organization of America (ZOA).

The alleged killers have been conspicuously absent from the “Rewards for Justice” website, which offers rewards for information leading to the capture of those suspected of killing Americans.

Last December, after years of lobbying by the ZOA and victims’ families, the State Department announced it would list on the website the names of Palestinian killers of Americans.

But the decision has now evidently been reversed. Instead of publishing names, details and pictures of the suspects, the department is advocating publishing information about the victims of the attacks.

The decision emerged in a State Department report sent late last month to the House committee on international relations, excerpts of which have been seen by CNSNews.com.

The report said the department and other government agencies had been concerned over the past year that publicizing the terrorists’ names would “be detrimental to ongoing efforts to capture these fugitives and could increase the danger to American citizens and facilities overseas, particularly for the thousands of Americans who live and travel in the Holy Land.”

Nonetheless, because the level of PA cooperation in bringing the fugitives to justice had declined, it had now been decided “to publish the names of the victims of terrorism rather than the perpetrators.”

“It was decided that publication focusing on the victims of terrorism, rather than the perpetrators, would be most prudent,” the report said, adding that the department was now working on getting approval from the victims’ families, pursuant to the Privacy Act.

The ZOA reacted strongly to the about-face. ZOA national president Morton Klein called the decision “the latest example of the State Department’s appeasement policy of bending backwards to avoid embarrassing Yasser Arafat.”

“Imagine if the FBI’s Most Wanted List included only the names of the victims, yet failed to include the names or photographs of the suspects,” Klein said. “It would make their capture nearly impossible.”

In response to the ZOA statement, State Department spokesman Gregg Sullivan told The Jerusalem Post the decision was taken because officials had been concerned about “glorifying these people.”

But the “Rewards for Justice” website currently offers carries detailed information about al Qaeda and other terrorists wanted for other crimes — including names, biographical details, photographs, affiliations and information about their alleged misdeeds.

Responding to Sullivan’s comment, Klein said: “It certainly seems peculiar that in every other instance, the State Department is willing to risk ‘glorifying’ terrorists by publicizing their names and photos, but for some reason when it comes to Palestinian Arab terrorists, the State Department’s policy suddenly changes.

“Does the State Department really expect the American public to believe that publishing photos of Fatah and Hamas terrorists who kill Americans would ‘glorify’ them, while somehow the State Department’s own publication of the photos of terrorists from al-Qaeda, Hizballah, Egyptian Islamic Jihad, and Libya does not glorify those terrorists?” he asked.

Links to Arafat

The ZOA charged that identifying the terrorists would discomfit Arafat because at least nine of those involved in attacks on Americans since 1993 are closely affiliated to his PA.

They include the second-in-command to the head of the PA’s preventive security force in Gaza, three members of Arafat’s presidential guard, Force 17, and five members of other PA security units.

Between them the nine have been accused of carrying out or masterminding shooting or bombing attacks which killed six Americans and wounded four others (apart from Israeli victims) between 1994 and 2000.

In previously signed agreements brokered by Washington, the PA committed itself to handing over wanted terror suspects. The Israeli government has officially requested the extradition of six suspects, but the PA has refused.

Apart from the 25 U.S. citizens murdered by Palestinians in Israel and the PA self-rule areas since 1993, at least 63 have been wounded in attacks.

Since the Palestinians launched their uprising in September 2000, at least 13 a.m.ericans have been killed and 38 wounded in attacks.

In one of the most recent ones, 15-year-old Karen Shatsky was killed in a February 16 suicide bombing of a pizzeria in a town north of Jerusalem. Another American wounded in the bombing, 16-year-old Rachel Thaler, died 11 days later. The two teens were originally from Brooklyn and Baltimore respectively. At least two other Americans were also hurt in that attack.

One day earlier, soldier Lee Nahman Akunis, 20 – a U.S. national – was shot dead by terrorists near Ramallah on February 15.

Sannctifying Suicide: Analysis of the Islamic Perspective

The great increase in suicide attacks in the course of this past year sparked a debate in the Arab and Moslem world on the position of Islamic religious law toward the issue of self-sacrifice in a holy war.

Some religious rulers in the Moslem world, particularly the official ones in moderate Arab regimes (Saudi Arabia for example), expressed adamant opposition to suicide attacks in the past.

Experts who follow this debate are of the impression that the voice of the moderates has become weak of late and almost marginal among the flood of those who espouse it.

In the Palestinian arena, in contrast, there is no debate at all, because the most prominent of the religious sages have expressed support for it, says Dr. Motti Keidar of Bar Ilan University, a specialist in radical Islamic rhetoric. While in Palestinian society there is a lively debate on suicide attacks on the moral level and on the image and political usefulness level, there is no theological debate on the legitimacy of suicide attacks. Even the official religious rulers in the Palestinian Authority, headed by the Jerusalem mufti, Akram Sabri, say that suicide attacks are permitted according to Islamic law.

Most of the religious activity on this issue in recent months focuses on the effort to refute the religious opinions of those opposed to such attacks, to develop and make the array of justifications more sophisticated, and to provide them with a theological umbrella that is as wide and as solid as possible.

The Hamas Internet site, a site rich in information devoted largely to praise and glorification of suicide attacks and their perpetrators, provides us with more than just a glimpse into the justifications and arguments in favor. These sites center mainly on two issues: first, why this is not suicide, which is completely forbidden in Islamic religious law, but rather sacrificing the soul in a holy war, a deed of which there is none loftier. Secondly, why it is justified using such violence against civilians, including women and children.

This issue became acute a year ago, when the mufti of Saudi Arabia, Abed el-Aziz Bin Abdullah el-Sheikh said that he is not aware of any religious law that calls for “self killing in the heart of the enemy,” and warned that this “does not constitute part of jihad,” and expressed concern that this was “self killing and nothing more.”

This statement by the official Saudi religious ruler troubled Arab and Palestinian religious rulers. The main contention they raised was that there is a profound difference between suicide and giving one’s soul (istishaad), and that the test is one of intention. “If the person giving up his soul intends to kill himself because he is sick of life, then this is suicide. But if he wants to give up his soul to deal a blow to the enemy and to earn a reward from Allah, then he is considered to be giving his soul,” explained at the time Dr. Abed el-Aziz Rantisi, a Hamas leader. Suicide is described as a defeatist, egoistic act, while giving one’s soul is considered the exact opposite, an act of altruistic heroism that expresses faith in Allah’s mercy, and not a lack of faith in Him and His grace. Therefore it is not only an act of the highest social-community devotion, but also supreme religious faith. Justifications to Strike Civilians

Rantisi and others at the time relied on a reasoned religious ruling (fatwa) of the Egyptian sheikh, Yousef el-Kardawi, considered the chief mufti of the radical Islamic movement, the “Moslem Brothers,” with branches all over the world (Hamas is the Palestinian branch of the Moslem Brothers). Kardawi’s fatwa described a person who kills himself as someone who has despaired of life, whereas someone who gives his soul does so in the great hope that Allah will allow him into Paradise.

This being so, the Islamic camp does not share the approach that says that young people who kill their souls along with Jews in the streets of Israeli cities are the victims of despair and depression caused by the Israeli occupation. Rather the reverse, they are people imbued with religious, social and political awareness, who march to their deaths with their heads held high.

Sheikh Kardawi also explained in the exegesis to his ruling, why it is permissible to kill civilians in such attacks. He explained, “Israeli society is a military society. Both men and women serve in the army and can be called to reserves at any time.” If an elderly person or a child is killed in such an attack, Kardawi said, this is involuntary killing, which conforms to “a need that obviates the forbidden,” a basic religious rule.

In contrast to Kardawi’s militant opinion, the more moderate opinion of Sheikh Mohammed Sayad Tantawi, the sheikh of a-Zahar university in Cairo, and considered a leading religious ruler in the international Moslem world, stands out. Tantawi said that such acts are indeed self defense and the giving of one’s soul, however, this is only as long as they are aimed against fighters and not against women and children.

Tantawi’s remarks led to a tremendous wave of counter reactions, led by Sheikh Kardawi, which reached their peak last December, when Tantawi commented on the suicide attacks in Jerusalem and Haifa and again condemned them. This was in effect a second wave of statements and rulings on this issue, after the first wave which was sparked by the remarks of the Saudi sheikh last April.

The rulings and the counter opinions of the Islamic clerics and commentators raised various justifications for killing civilians, old people and children. The main one was the principle of measure for measure: the Israeli occupation indiscriminately hurts children, women and old people, and should therefore be responded to in kind. Another argument is that all of Israeli society is not only a military society, but it is also an occupying and exploitative society. All Israeli citizens rob, not just Moslem land, but the very air they breathe, say the Islamic commentators. And therefore, the term “innocent civilians” does not apply to Israeli society.

Another justification is that any constriction to unreserved support that must be given to such attacks “is liable to cause confusion, doubt and hesitation among the young heroes who sacrifice themselves for the homeland,” as Fahmi Haweidi, a columnist considered close to the Moslem Brothers, and who writes for the official Egyptian Al Ahram newspaper, explained.

These religious justifications, like all rulings and Islamic opinions, rely mainly on exegesis to the Koran and on oral tradition (the hadith) attributed to Prophet Mohammed, that deal in precedents for sacrificing the soul. Since in the period of the great wars of Islam, in the time of the Prophet Mohammed and others, the technological and military means now used by the suicide terrorists did not exist (such as explosives and automatic weapons), it is hard to find such precedents. Therefore, most of the traditions that the sages use, touch on the issue of the difference between suicide and giving one’s soul in battle. An Existing Jihad Fact

One such story in Islamic tradition, presented by Sheikh Sabri, the Jerusalem mufti appointed by the PA, is the story of the fighter known in Islamic tradition as “the flying Jaafar.” This was Jaafar Bin Abi-Talab, the cousin of the Prophet, who was one of the commanders of the force Mohammed sent from Mecca to the Fertile Crescent in the year 629. His troops encountered the Byzantine army in the area of the muata (today southern Jordan) and a battle ensued. In the course of the battle, Commander Jaafar broke through the Byzantine lines holding the Moslems’ flag in his right hand. The Byzantine cut off his right arm. He picked up the flag in his left hand. The Byzantine then cut off this arm too. Jaafar held the flag in his stumps, and marched forward with it until he died. When the Moslems found his body, it had been stabbed fifty times with a sword, all in the upper part of his body, and none in his back. In other words: Jaafar did not try to flee. At his funeral, Mohammed said that Allah had given Jaafar wings in Paradise instead of the hands that were cut off, and that is why his name is now “the flying Jaafar.” What Jaafar did, Sheikh Sabri explained in a sermon in the el-Aksa mosque last May, is not considered suicide, but rather “a martyr’s death for the sake of Allah.”

Another story is that of Abdullah Bin Jahash, who on the eve of the Uhoud battle (in 625, in the Arabian peninsula against the Kureish tribe), told Allah that during the battle, he intends to fight with such devotion, that if any of the enemy gains over him, that Abdullah will let him cut off his nose and ear. When Allah asks him the next day why his nose and ear have been cut off, Abdullah said, he will answer his Creator: for Allah and His prophet. The next day, one of the Moslem commanders related that he found Abdullah dead, with his nose and ear cut off and hanging by a thread. The commentator Ismail el-Radwan of the Sheikh Ajalin mosque in Gaza, who related this story in a sermon broadcast on PA television last August, used the example of Abdullah, among other reasons, to explain that even when the body parts of a shahid are scattered, he rises to Paradise and meets there with Allah and with the Prophet Mohammed.

In the rhetoric of the Islamic sermonizers, religious interpretation is mixed up with popular traditions and political analyses. In Ismail el-Radwan’s sermon, for example, immediately after he told the story of the nose and ear of Abdullah, he detailed for his audience all the other benefits a shahid earns when he sacrifices himself — total absolution for all his sins from Allah; relief from all the torments of the grave; entry into Paradise; exemption from the fear of Judgement Day; 72 virgins; the right to sponsor another 70 members of his family; an honorary crown for his head, with the jewel in the front more precious than any other gem in the world.

Sheikh el-Radwan’s sermon, along with an enormous amount of translated material on the matter of suicide attacks, can be found in the Internet site of the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI), which monitors the Arab world media.

A month ago, the sages of all the Islamic movements in the Arab and Moslem world convened, Sunnis and Shiites, to discuss the ramifications of the confrontation between the United States and the radical Islamic movements, as well as the escalating fighting between Israel and the Palestinians. Their concluding announcement, which is prominently displayed on the Hamas Internet site, includes a message to the US and to Israel, a message to the Palestinian Authority and a message to the Arab regimes. At the end, there is also a message to the Moslem sages. As for the matter of “the act of giving one’s soul,” i.e. suicide attacks, the letter to the sages reads: “The community of sages has already ruled in this matter, and they (the attacks) have become an existing and useful fact of Jihad. What is needed from you today is not to allow a confused minority or a skeptic to raise any questions and doubts over these acts.” This article appeared in Ha’aretz on February 21st, 2002

Precedent-making Suit Against Palestinian Authority Security Chief

A Palestinian resident of Jerusalem is suing the Palestinian Authority and the commander of the Preventive Security Service, Jibril Rajoub, for NIS 10 million. In a suit filed at the Jerusalem District Court, he reveals a story of severe abuse.

Zohir Switi, represented by lawyer Nadav Haetzni, lived in the village of Dura in the past and worked as an art teacher in the city girls’ school A-Tur on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem.

He relates that he was abducted from his car by Rajoub’s men, who waited for him at the Dura-Fawar intersection in the southern Hebron hills area. At the time the place was under Israeli control.

He related that he was beaten by his interrogators who demanded that he confess to receiving an Israeli ID card in exchange for collaborating with Israel. When he would not admit it, he was taken by car to a desolate area near Dura and thrown into thorny bushes. He said that his interrogators stomped on him with their shoes, put cigarettes out on his face and legs, urinated into his mouth and inserted a bottle into his anus.

After that Switi was imprisoned for two days in a prison cell in Hebron and the torture continued: he was stripped and tied by his hands and neck with a rope tied to the ceiling. The interrogators extinguished burning cigarettes all over his body, stepped on his stomach, slammed his head against the wall and beat his genitals with sticks. He lost consciousness several times from the blows, but his interrogators poured cold water on him and continued to question him.

Haetzni argues that Switi became a broken man and suffered physical and emotional scars and that the Palestinian Authority must pay for the damages it caused him.

This article ran in Ma’ariv on February 26th, 2002

Documents Seized at the PLO Orient House Reviewed.

The Israeli Ministry of Public Security has hired a team of Arabic speaking journalists to review the vast computer systems and documents that were seized at the PLO’s Orient House last summer. The results of their investigations are beginning to see the light of day.

On 10.8.2001, the Israeli government closed several Palestinian Authority institutions in the Jerusalem area, including Orient house and PA offices that served the governor of the Jerusalem district and the Palestinian security services in Abu Dis (see ).

The offices in eastern Jerusalem were closed by order of Public Security Minister Uzi Landau according to the authority granted him under the law on the implementation of the interim agreement.

During the closure of the institutions, security forces uncovered documents, tapes, computers and considerable material from various periods that point to the direct link between Orient House, the PA and PA Chairman, Yasser Arafat.

From the material seized, it arises that PA officials carried out ramified activities in the Jerusalem area in complete contravention of the agreements that have been signed with them. It will be pointed out that the aforementioned law obligates the PA to respect Israel’s sovereignty within the State of Israel, including eastern Jerusalem. The material seized attests to a range of activities carried out at Orient House:

A. Activity by the Palestinian security services in Jerusalem

Among the seized material were operational documents that described activity by the Palestinian security services in Jerusalem, including lists of names of residents of eastern Jerusalem (with whom the services, apparently, had dealings) and records regarding the employment of Orient House security guards in the framework of the Palestinian security services.

B. Real estate activities in eastern Jerusalem

The documents also attest that part of the financing transferred by the PA was designated for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of structures and properties of residents of eastern Jerusalem, including the Old City, and featured the direct involvement of Yasser Arafat. It should be emphasized that part of the PA’s involvement in this area stems from its goal to prevent the transfer of real estate to Jews.

C. The involvement of the PA in the appointment of various functionaries

From documents that were seized, it arises that the PA was deeply involved in the appointment of various functionaries and those holding various positions in eastern Jerusalem. The PA, especially Arafat, confirmed appointments, ranks and the financing of salaries, a fact which indicates the direct subordination of these offices to the PA.

D. Diplomatic activity

The documents indicate the extensive use of Orient House for various issues that were discussed in the political negotiations between Israel and the PA.

E. The PA’s involvement in financing

The documents shed light on details regarding the PA’s financing of, and its financial institutions’ dealings with, activities at Orient House and other offices, according to directives from Arafat. Documents were also found regarding PA financial activity in Jerusalem, carried out via Orient House. The PA thus violated the aforementioned law.

Additional documents were uncovered which attested to financial assistance which had been rendered in response to requests that had been directed to the late Faisal Husseini by people and institutions in eastern Jerusalem.

F. PA involvement in activities on the Temple Mount

Documents were found which attest to the involvement of the PA and its security services on the Temple Mount.

George Mitchell, scheduled to address Lincoln Square Synagogue on March 2, 2002: Is His Record Balanced and Fair?

In late October, 2000, US president Clinton appointed an international investigation commission to investigate the causes of the rioting in Israel, naming an Arab American and former US Senator, George Mitchell, as its chairman.

Mitchell initially evoked a sigh of relief when his commission did not blame Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon for instigating the riots in September, 2000 during his visit to the Temple Mount.

However, even with that allegation out of the way, Mitchell accepted all of the other specious PLO premises for the current PLO insurrection:

  • Mitchell accepted as a given that the PLO uprising is based on some some kind of movement for “independence and genuine self-determination”, without giving credence to the clearly stated PLO goal, stated in all PLO publications, maps and media outlets, even during the current Oslo process, which remains “liberation” of all of Palestine.
  • Mitchell characterized the rioters armed with molotov cocktails as “unarmed Palestinian demonstrators”. a term that they seemed to have borrowed from several PLO information reports that have been published of late.
  • Mitchell took the position that security forces do not face a clear a present danger when faced with a mob trying to murder them with rocks and firebombs
  • Mitchell did not even mention that the PA has amassed 50,000 more weapons than they are supposed to have, in clear violation of the written Oslo accords, and not only the “spirit of the accords”, which seem to carry more weight with the Mitchell Commission.
  • Mitchell accepted the notion that the Palestinian Authority security officials are simply not in control of their own tightly controlled security services.
  • Mitchell rejected the notion that the PA planned the uprising, as if the PA did not spend the past seven years preparing its media, school system and security services for any confrontation wit Israel.
  • Mitchell described only as an Israeli “view” that the PA leadership has made no real effort to prevent anti-Israeli terrorism, ignoring the message that Arafat has conveyed in his own media for the past seven years.
  • Mitchell rejected Israel’s characterization of the conflict, as “armed conflict short of war”; (how else would you describe an army that fires mortar rounds into Israeli cities?)
  • Mitchell rejected the right of the IDF to kill PLO combat officers during a time of war, without giving an alternative as to what actions the IDF is supposed to take in any such military confrontation.
  • Instead of issuing a clear call to the PLO to stop its sniper attacks on Israel’s roads and highways, Mitchell simply condemned “the positioning of gunmen within or near civilian dwellings”, leaving the observer to assume that PLO attacks from empty embankments would be acceptable.
  • Mitchell suggested that “the IDF should consider withdrawing to positions held before September 28, 2000,…to reduce the number of friction points”, ignoring the fact that this would leave the entry points to many Israeli cities without appropriate protection at a time of war.
  • Mitchell demanded that Israel should transfer to the PA all tax revenues owed, and permit Palestinians who had been employed in Israel to return to their jobs, strangely recommending that Israel once again be in the position of paying the salaries of the armed PLO personnel who are now at war with Israel.
  • Mitchell took out a page from Arab propaganda brochures when it calls on Israeli “security forces and settlers to refrain from the destruction of homes and roads, as well as trees and other agricultural property in Palestinian areas”, not even relating to the remote possibility that some areas of trees and agricultural land had been razed because it had given cover to the PA security forces during combat.
  • Mitchell accepted the notion that “settlers and settlements in their midst” remains a cause of the Palestinian uprising, because these Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria violate “the spirit of the Oslo process”, even though not one word appears in the actual Oslo accords would require the dismemberment of a single Israeli settlement anywhere.
  • Mitchell somehow found a connection between “settlement activities” and the Palestinian ability to resume and makes a judgment that negotiations cannot continue, so long as “settlement activities” continue, thereby introducing an excuse for the PLO to continue its armed conflict.
  • Mitchell accepted the notion that “settlers and settlements in their midst” remains a cause of the Palestinian uprising, because these Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria violate “the spirit of the Oslo process”.

    Mitchell knew full well that not a word appears in the actual Oslo accords would require the dismemberment of a single Israeli settlement anywhere.

  • Mitchell never mentioned a word about the role played by UNRWA in its policy of continuing to encourage Arab refugee camp residents to believe that they must return to the homes and villages where they came from in 1948.

  • Mitchell never mentioned a word about the new curriculum of the Palestinian Authority which prepares a new generation for war and not for peace

The US will not Break off Contact Yet it Defines it as a Terror Entity

US Response to PA

Bush: We won’t replace Arafat and we won’t close PLO offices

Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 4) by Shimon Shiffer — The US does not plan to close the PLO offices in Washington and will not act to replace Yasser Arafat with one of his deputies. This is written in a classified report relayed to Jerusalem by the Israeli embassy in Washington, summing up Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s visit to the White House last week.

The document, which has already been placed on Sharon’s and Peres’s desks, says that the Americans were very pleased with the prime minister’s visit: they rejected Sharon’s requests one after the other, without this clouding the atmosphere. For Sharon, so it transpires, the political chapter of his visit was not a great success.

The document is based on a talk that the political attache in Washington, Ron Prosaur, held with a senior White House official. These are its main points:

  • The White House was pleased with President Bush’s visit with Sharon, because the visit was well prepared, thus preventing the misunderstandings and the blunders that were part of Sharon’s previous two trips. Both sides were able to minimize the damage by establishing beforehand the messages they would present to the media after the visit. Bush and Sharon displayed a united front, and the administration was pleased by this.
  • The American administration made it clear to Sharon that they have no intention of closing the PLO offices in Washington.
  • The administration intends to continue to put pressure on Arafat so that he undertake the recommendations of the Mitchell report and the Tenet plan. However, it does not intend to deal with the question of an alternative leadership to Arafat. Their policy will focus on putting pressure on Arafat so that he act to stop the violence. The American message to Arafat is: Facts on the ground, not talk.
  • The voices in the administration coming out against roadblocks and closures in the West Bank and Gaza Strip are increasing. The voices saying that this is harsh punishment against a civilian population, which has little practical efficiency, are getting louder.
  • The administration welcomes Peres’s meetings with Abu Ala as part of its policy to encourage talks between Israeli and Palestinians. Nonetheless, it was made clear to Abu Ala, that the plan he formulated with Peres will be implemented only if the Palestinians do what is required of them in the matter of thwarting terror and arresting wanted men.

A different report reaching Jerusalem says that the US does not intend to put Force 17 and the Tanzim onto the list of terror organizations, as Israel wants, because the Americans view these two organizations as the basis of the security forces of the Palestinian state that will ultimately be established in the territories.

Americans Declare for First Time: the Palestinians Sponsor Terrorism

Maariv (p. 4) by Yitzhak Ben-Horin — For the first time, the White House has included the Palestinian Authority on its list of regimes that sponsor terror and practice terror.

White House spokesman Ari Fleischer was asked yesterday about countries that sponsor terrorism. His answer was unequivocal: “The President has always been very clear in all the statements he’s made, whether it was about North Korea, Iran, Iraq, or anywhere, Palestinian Authority, that it’s the people that the United States is concerned with, that they are victims of regimes that invite terrorism and that practice terrorism”.

A report received by the security services revealed that the Americans decided to tighten the supervision around the funds meant for the Palestinian Authority. This is because of suspicions that the funds are financing terrorist activity, a senior security source told Maariv.

American Secretary of State Colin Powell said that Yasser Arafat took responsibility for the Karine-A weapons ship affair. In an appearance before a congressional budget subcommittee, Powell said that in a letter Arafat sent to him, he acknowledged responsibility for the weapons ship affair as head of the Palestinian Authority, but not personally.

Powell said that Syria was not mentioned in President Bush’s speech, in which Iran, Iraq, and North Korea were defined as the “axis of evil”, because Syria is not developing weapons of mass destruction like other countries, and that the United States has direct talks with the Syrians and there is great pressure on them to stop sponsoring terrorist organizations.

How Terminology Used in the Media Disguises Data . . . And Sometimes Misrepresents it

Motivated Reporting of Science and Medicine

What is Used in the News What It Pretends To Be

quotes data (measures, scores)
eye witness report professional assessment, opinion
by-stander accounts statistical verification
opinion of interested parties expert objective judgment
getting the quote right verifying the event
looking-in-the-eyes certifying the claim
photograph(s) ipso facto ongoing events
a fact the facts
trend, estimate, some events statistical analysis
pocket survey, odd case representative statistics
short term visits [“hit-&-run teams”] longitudinal studies
professional (society) endorsement peer review process
broadcast, published in media peer review publication
quoting from the media repeating/verifying conclusions
headline research discovery
scoop research breakthrough
condemnation deductive conclusion
dramatize clarify with data
weight of emotion weight of evidence
present persuasively use scientific method
impress, affect, convince inform, elaborate, convince