News Stories Inside the Palestinian Authority Not Reported Elsewhere: Accountability and the PLO

  1. PLO representative in Washington, Hassan Abdul Rahman has kept millions of dollars for Palestinian students from abroad. He spent money to buy huge homes in the Washington area. He has a Cadillac, beautiful clothes. He gives appearance of doing a tremendous amount of work, but actually does very little. Abdul Rahman has the authority to grant scholarships and receives funds for scholarships for Palestinians to study in the U.S. Indeed, he often has the final word over whether a Palestinian student can remain in the United States.
  2. PA Preventive Apparatus chief Mohammed Dahlan bought Shawwa family’s palace in Gaza for $2 million. He then spent hundreds of thousands of dollars to fix it up the home of the late Gaza Mayor Rashad Shawa. Shawwa was the leading Palestinian figure in the Gaza Strip and his family is regarded as the wealthiest in the Palestinian community.
  3. Officials serving under PA police chief Brig. Gen. Ghazi Jabali repeatedly raped a PA employee from Social Welfare Ministry. The rape took place in September during an IDF attack on Gaza City. Jabali’s men used the chaos to repeatedly rape her. On October 29, the family of the women are believed to have retaliated. A fire was set in the Arafat Police Academy in central Gaza and destroyed the building. The incident was never reported.
  4. PA intelligence agents apply to a journalism course in Ramallah. They use this to spy on PA journalists and suspects of those who are in contact with them. The agencies include the PA Preventive Security Apparatus of Jibril Rajoub and PA Military Intelligence. The work of these so-called journalist students means that they monitor Palestinian journalists and try to enter Israel and obtain information.
  5. Israeli military tells PA officers in Nablus of troop movements so they don’t encounter opposition. The PA liaison officers say ‘fine but don’t pass on message to PA commanders’. So, when tanks move near PA territory, they are attacked by Fatah and PA officers. This has happened often during the last six months amid the ceasefire accords and the Israeli-PA security talks. The Israeli military is aware of this.
  6. Mohammed Dahlan, Gaza Security Chief, is angry at PA Chairman Yasser Arafat. He said security forces are no longer interested in working and merely spend their time joining Hamas attacks and shaking down people. Dahlan said corruption in security forces is high. Dahlan is staying away from Arafat lately. The agencies are also fighting each other. On October 29, the Arafat Police Academy in central Gaza was gutted by what appeared to be arson. The building was completely destroyed and included documents and sensitive equipment. Dahlan has not publicly criticized Arafat. Instead, he spoke privately to Palestinians and had his aides leak this.
  7. PA General Intelligence chief Col. Tawfiq Tirawi kidnaps Abu Shaher Sharabati, a member of the Al Quds volunteer forces that helped maintain order in Jerusalem. Because the force was independent and cooperated with the Israeli police in eastern Jerusalem, Sharabati was summoned to Ramallah where he was arrested and tortured on November 2. Tirawi forced 10 members of the force to come to Ramallah and pledge to end the police cooperation with Jerusalem. They did so and Sharabati was freed. Sharabati is regarded as one of the few Arabs in Jerusalem who are willing to buck the PA. He comes from Tsur Baher, which has been under heavy pressure to allow PA to take over. The GSS is aware of this.
  8. PA police chief Brig. Gen. Ghazi Jabali has stopped using his force to patrol the streets and fight crime. Instead, many of his men are used to protect his private mortar and grenade factories around Gaza City. Jabali provides security as well as hires employees to make mortars and even rockets designed by Hamas. Meanwhile, crime is rampant in Gaza City, including theft and violent crime. Jabali has the “franchise” over protection and production of these mortar factories. He makes sure these factories are running and they obtain supplies.
  9. Orient House. This is used by corrupt PA officials to determine justice based on who pays the highest amount to the Orient House. The Orient House is being challenged by Sari Nusseibeh, who has taken over the house on Arafat’s orders. The house is backed by PA General Intelligence chief Tawfiq Tirawi, who partakes in the revenue and provides muscle. The Orient House building is monitored by Israeli police but the institution operates throughout different locations in Jerusalem.
  10. PA favors companies dominated by senior officials. They don’t pay taxes. Hassan Safarini, a former advisor for the income tax department and currently a lecturer at A-Najah University in Nablus, said that income tax revenues for 2001 a.m.ounted to $50 million that comes mainly from tax deducted from income of salaried employees. PA refuses to collect taxes from major companies controlled or owned by leadership. Arab banks that have branches in the Palestinian areas don’t pay taxes on their investments abroad from deposits made by Palestinians residents. He said that while bank deposits amounted to more than $2.7 billion, more than 50 percent of this amount were invested abroad. Yet the banks do not declare their true profits on these investments and therefore do not pay income tax on them to the PNA. He said that PNA companies, such as Palestinian Commercial Services Company, the Petroleum Authority and others, do not declare their income and neither pay taxes on their income. Not including these companies in the state revenues means a big loss to the budget and even opens the way for other companies to do the same and avoid paying taxes. Safarini was speaking in October in an address picked up by the Palestinian newspaper Jerusalem Times. Israel does not directly help PA companies, but it has major contracts with some of them, particularly the Petroleum Authority.
  11. PA senior officials buy luxury cars. PA uses donor funds for cars and borrows from banks for personal needs. No PLC monitoring of budget and the PLC did not get any reports from the PNA on the budget and where the money was going. No jobs in PA. PA should use around $550 million in donor aid aimed for development for productive projects that would generate income and jobs. The stealing is rampant among EU funding. Because the EU has stopped funding projects in PA. Instead, it gives Arafat a check and let’s him do what he wants even though the check is supposed to go for salaries.
  12. Palestinians are starving and walking around in want during Ramadan. But PA officials continue to get their fat salaries. Islamic groups are using this poverty to recruit suicide bombers for money. Palestinians say they are giving us the choice of starving to death or blowing ourselves up.
  13. In Bethlehem, Palestinian Legislative Council member Salah Taamari runs militia. Throughout the last year, his men have blackmailed businessmen and extort money. Taamari got money from Arafat and EU for Palestinians and pocketed the funds.
  14. In Bet Jallah, PA gunmen repeatedly raped three Christians girls. Then they had them killed. In the month of October the girls were suffocated with pillows and then shot. Taamari people linked to Fatah commander Atef Obeyat were accused of doing this. This took place in September during Israeli incursion in Bethlehem.
  15. In Bet Sahour, a Christian woman was attacked by Taamari people in October. They tried to rape her. Neighbors came to her rescue. PA police came. Taamari people said the women invited them in. Fatah commander Kamal Sweid then threatened the Christians, saying the Taamari people get direct orders from Arafat.
  16. Pope John Paul II summoned Arafat in November 2001 for audience in Vatican to discuss Christian plight. The Pope demanded that Arafat protect Christians as he had promised in the past. This according to a senior PA source.
  17. Arafat’s deputy Ramzi Khoury, second-in-command in PA chairman’s office, has an apartment in Bethlehem. He gave $1,000 to his mistress, a singer named Miss Sansour. Khoury holds audience for Christians and demands money or sexual favors for his services. This is reflective of PA relations with the Christian minority, which has come under increasing pressure from the Muslim majority since the inception of the PA in 1994.
  18. Arafat appoints new Bethlehem governor, Mohammed Al Madani. The appointment was meant to frustrate PA military commander Col Ahmed Id. Id is a professional officer and hated by Arafat. Al Madani hates Id and Arafat wants the two to fight. Meanwhile, Bethlehem’s security forces are paralyzed and can’t respond to the growth of organized crime and insurgency groups.
  19. In Ramallah, PA forces of Jibril Rajoub arrested senior Ramallah judge Ghazi Atrah, on the bench for 30 years. In September, 2001 Atrah was placed in prison on accusations that he planned to sell land to Jews. The charges were found to have been baseless. But Atrah is still in jail. A Ramallah appeals court, headed by Sami Sarsour, ruled that he be released. Atrah was accused of having an apartment in Ofrah.
  20. 70 Palestinians in Bethlehem are in jail on collaboration charges. PA security official admits that there are no real charges against the 70. But that releasing them would leave them open to attacks from Palestinian enemies. What they really mean is that they don’t have huge amounts of money for their release. No human rights group has formally investigated this.
  21. Fatah commander Atef Abeyat got $40,000 for the release of Bethlehem businessman Sharli Shamiyah. Abeyat demanded $100,000. Abeyat staged two attempts on Shamiya’s life. Shamiya is now hiding in Jerusalem.
  22. Bethlehem businessman Farah Boto was accused of selling land to Jews and was jailed. PA General Intelligence chief Tawfik Tirawi demanded $100,000 and when Tirawi got the money he was released. Then, Abeyat demanded money. First, it was $5,000, then another $5,000. When he stopped paying he was shot with 10 bullets and killed in September. Tirawi reports directly to Arafat.
  23. Bet Jallah pharmacist Nicole Abu Id was approached by Taamara people aligned to Fatah gunrunner Atef Abeyat and they demanded 20,000 Jordanian dinars. He was warned that unless he came up with the money his son would be killed. Abu Id returned home from his pharmacy and refused to leave his house for two weeks. PA General Intelligence Chief Tawfik Tirawi was told of what happened and refused to do anything. Tirawi is a partner of Abeyat in the gun-running business. Taamara people are Bedouins from the village outside Bethlehem and run by Taamari people.
  24. In Irtas, Ibrahim Abeyat has taken over for Atef Abeyat. Ibrahim killed a man in Irtas and walks free. Irtas is a village outside Bethelehem.
  25. In Ramallah, A-Jazeera has agreement with Jibril Rajoub over what to cover. A-Jazeera’s correspondent Wa’il Abu Dabah is a Jibril man and refused to broadcast Jihad riots against PA in November in Jenin.

Military Implications of the Seizure of the PLO Gun Ship

Alongside the diplomatic efforts to reach a ceasefire with Israel, the Palestinian Authority (PA) has been involved — since the beginning of the second intifada — in the indigenous production of weapons and ammunition and in repeated attempts to smuggle arms on a massive scale into the territories under its control. To thwart these efforts and to degrade the PA’s fighting capabilities, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have destroyed dozens of warehouses and weapons-producing factories and have sealed all land, sea, and air passages leading into the PA.

But the January 3 capture by the Israeli Navy of a ship — the Karine-A — transporting fifty or more tons of arms indicates that senior members of the PA who, according to Israel, planned, financed, and carried out the smuggling operation are still committed to the objective of overcoming Israeli interference and transferring into the PA enough weapons and ammunition to prolong — perhaps even escalate – the conflict with Israel. In doing so, the PA receives help from several terrorist organizations as well as, seemingly, the governments that sponsor them. Moreover, the types and the quantities of the weapons captured aboard the Karine-A, as well as the timing of the ship’s voyage, indicate that Palestinian armament efforts are designed not exclusively for defensive purposes, but rather for changing the military balance between the PA and Israel.

Palestinian Weapons Smuggling

Attempts to smuggle illegal weapons into the West Bank and Gaza Strip began soon after the PA’s establishment in 1994, but these attempts were limited mainly to small quantities of light arms and ammunition. Since the outbreak of the second intifada in September 2000, the intensity of the fighting has grown, and with it the need for a constant inflow of weapons of higher quality and lethality. These weapons have been smuggled into the Gaza Strip through a system of secret, underground tunnels which connect Egypt to Rafah in the southern part of the Gaza Strip. Despite the IDF’s efforts to locate and destroy those tunnels, many are still very active.

Israel has also thwarted several Palestinian efforts to smuggle weapons through the Dead Sea and the Jordan River Valley. But the main inlet of weapons into the Gaza Strip has been via the Mediterranean Sea. On January 29, 2001, the IDF found two sealed barrels on a beach near Ashkelon containing weapons with indication that a smuggler’s ship from Lebanon had discharged them into the sea off the coast of Gaza. It is believed that dozens of other barrels from the same shipment, allegedly sent by Hizballah to the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) in Gaza, reached their destination that night.

On May 7, 2001, the Israeli navy captured a fishing boat off the coast of Haifa with a large quantity of arms and ammunition bound for the PA. The arsenal contained 107-mm rockets, mortars, rocket-propelled grenades, shoulder- launched anti-aircraft missiles, and anti-tank missiles — all prohibited by the Oslo agreements — and had apparently been dispatched to the PA by Ahmed Jibril’s Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, which is headquartered in Damascus with bases in Lebanon. Now, this latest capture has revealed another weapons source: Iran. Although it is not yet clear whether the shipment of weapons to the Palestinians was sanctioned by the Iranian authorities, Israeli intelligence claims that the weapons were loaded in Iran by both Iranian nationals and Hizballah operatives.

Strategic Escalation?

Due to their tactical inferiority vis-a vis the IDF, the Palestinians are interested in developing military capabilities that could offset the Israeli advantage and deter the IDF from carrying out uninterrupted attacks against the PA using tanks and aircraft. The cargo of the Karine-A included weapons that have never before been in the PA’s possession. For instance, the shipment included a large number of antitank missiles, including modern, Iranian- manufactured missiles carrying Tandem-Charge warheads capable of penetrating heavy armor. Israeli tank units, which have become accustomed to entering Palestinian cities with impunity, would be subjected to real danger if such weapons were to be activated.

More unsettling are the 122-mm katyusha rockets found on board which have a range of 12 miles. They could, if launched from the West Bank, hit any location in Israel between Hadera in the north and Ashkelon in the south, including strategic targets such as critical road junctions, oil and gas farms, power stations, and, most importantly, Israel’s air and sea ports. Yasir Arafat’s acknowledgment that Hamas and PIJ suicide attacks against Israeli civilians have both run their course and threatened to cast him in the same light as the international terrorists currently being pursued by the United States, offers a glimpse into the Palestinian leader’s possible motivation, if he is indeed behind this arms shipment. These arms would increase his ability to pressure Israel: by acquiring long-range artillery, the Palestinians could threaten the Israeli home front and achieve a demoralizing and deterring effect on the Israeli public, similar to the “walking bombs” of Hamas and PIJ.

Implications for Indigenous Arms Production

The downside of the Israeli success in intercepting arms transfers and denying the PA the possibility of importing weapons is that it will likely increase pressure inside the PA to invest more resources in the domestic production of weapons and ammunition. Local arms production could provide the Palestinians with sufficient ammunition to prolong their guerrilla operations.

The Palestinians lack the industrial infrastructure needed to manufacture advanced weapons, but they have demonstrated their ability to produce light arms and ammunition, such as grenades, primitive antitank weapons, and artillery weapons.

In May 2001, for example, the Israeli security services uncovered a network of Palestinian operatives in Gaza who were involved in the manufacturing of thousands of mortar shells of various calibers. Members of the network included senior ranking officers of the Palestinian police and the Preventive Security Service in Gaza, headed by Muhammad Dahlan.

Hamas has also been involved in plans to produce homemade katyusha rockets. On January 2, the Israeli General Security Service arrested a Hamas operative en route to Saudi Arabia, apparently on a mission to receive funding and technical assistance for establishing rocket production plants in Gaza and the West Bank. Should such efforts continue to fail, some Palestinians have suggested that the PA consider developing chemical and perhaps biological weapons, which could be smuggled and concealed more easily than conventional weapons and could act as deterrents against any future Israeli attack intended to destroy the PA.

Israel’s Response to the PA’s Armament

In the short run, Israel will tighten its blockade along the Gaza coast and pressure the United States to recognize as sponsors of terrorism the countries involved in arming the PA. It may also change its attitude toward the 1,000-man Palestinian Coast Guard (Shurta Bahariyya), an elite unit established in 1995 (as part of the Cairo Agreement) to prevent the smuggling of goods and weapons into the PA. The fact that the captain of the Karine-A, Omar Akwi, is a Coast Guard colonel indicates that this group has become the main facilitator of weapons smuggling into the PA — a reality that may force Israel to equate the Coast Guard with the Tanzim and Force 17, both officially recognized by Israel as terror organizations.

In the longer run, the strategic threat represented by long- range weapons introduced into the hands of the Palestinians adds a new dimension to the debate about the feasibility of a demilitarized Palestinian state as part of a final-status agreement with Israel. When peace negotiations resume, Israel is likely to condition any further concessions to the PA on the collection and surrender of all weapons prohibited by the Oslo agreements, and will be less flexible in granting the Palestinians control over border passages with Jordan and Egypt, as well as air and sea ports.

Lt. Col. Gal Luft (IDF, res.) is a doctoral candidate at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies and is the author of The Palestinian Security Services: Between Police and Army (The Washington Institute, 1998).

Copyright © The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
1828 L Street Suite 1050
Washington, D.C. 20036
Phone: (202) 452-0650, Fax: (202) 223-5364
EMail: info@washingtoninstitute.org

Military Implications of the Seizure of the PLO Gun Ship

Alongside the diplomatic efforts to reach a ceasefire with Israel, the Palestinian Authority (PA) has been involved — since the beginning of the second intifada — in the indigenous production of weapons and ammunition and in repeated attempts to smuggle arms on a massive scale into the territories under its control. To thwart these efforts and to degrade the PA’s fighting capabilities, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have destroyed dozens of warehouses and weapons-producing factories and have sealed all land, sea, and air passages leading into the PA.

But the January 3 capture by the Israeli Navy of a ship — the Karine-A — transporting fifty or more tons of arms indicates that senior members of the PA who, according to Israel, planned, financed, and carried out the smuggling operation are still committed to the objective of overcoming Israeli interference and transferring into the PA enough weapons and ammunition to prolong — perhaps even escalate – the conflict with Israel. In doing so, the PA receives help from several terrorist organizations as well as, seemingly, the governments that sponsor them. Moreover, the types and the quantities of the weapons captured aboard the Karine-A, as well as the timing of the ship’s voyage, indicate that Palestinian armament efforts are designed not exclusively for defensive purposes, but rather for changing the military balance between the PA and Israel.

Palestinian Weapons Smuggling

Attempts to smuggle illegal weapons into the West Bank and Gaza Strip began soon after the PA’s establishment in 1994, but these attempts were limited mainly to small quantities of light arms and ammunition. Since the outbreak of the second intifada in September 2000, the intensity of the fighting has grown, and with it the need for a constant inflow of weapons of higher quality and lethality. These weapons have been smuggled into the Gaza Strip through a system of secret, underground tunnels which connect Egypt to Rafah in the southern part of the Gaza Strip. Despite the IDF’s efforts to locate and destroy those tunnels, many are still very active.

Israel has also thwarted several Palestinian efforts to smuggle weapons through the Dead Sea and the Jordan River Valley. But the main inlet of weapons into the Gaza Strip has been via the Mediterranean Sea. On January 29, 2001, the IDF found two sealed barrels on a beach near Ashkelon containing weapons with indication that a smuggler’s ship from Lebanon had discharged them into the sea off the coast of Gaza. It is believed that dozens of other barrels from the same shipment, allegedly sent by Hizballah to the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) in Gaza, reached their destination that night.

On May 7, 2001, the Israeli navy captured a fishing boat off the coast of Haifa with a large quantity of arms and ammunition bound for the PA. The arsenal contained 107-mm rockets, mortars, rocket-propelled grenades, shoulder- launched anti-aircraft missiles, and anti-tank missiles — all prohibited by the Oslo agreements — and had apparently been dispatched to the PA by Ahmed Jibril’s Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, which is headquartered in Damascus with bases in Lebanon. Now, this latest capture has revealed another weapons source: Iran. Although it is not yet clear whether the shipment of weapons to the Palestinians was sanctioned by the Iranian authorities, Israeli intelligence claims that the weapons were loaded in Iran by both Iranian nationals and Hizballah operatives.

Strategic Escalation?

Due to their tactical inferiority vis-a vis the IDF, the Palestinians are interested in developing military capabilities that could offset the Israeli advantage and deter the IDF from carrying out uninterrupted attacks against the PA using tanks and aircraft. The cargo of the Karine-A included weapons that have never before been in the PA’s possession. For instance, the shipment included a large number of antitank missiles, including modern, Iranian- manufactured missiles carrying Tandem-Charge warheads capable of penetrating heavy armor. Israeli tank units, which have become accustomed to entering Palestinian cities with impunity, would be subjected to real danger if such weapons were to be activated.

More unsettling are the 122-mm katyusha rockets found on board which have a range of 12 miles. They could, if launched from the West Bank, hit any location in Israel between Hadera in the north and Ashkelon in the south, including strategic targets such as critical road junctions, oil and gas farms, power stations, and, most importantly, Israel’s air and sea ports. Yasir Arafat’s acknowledgment that Hamas and PIJ suicide attacks against Israeli civilians have both run their course and threatened to cast him in the same light as the international terrorists currently being pursued by the United States, offers a glimpse into the Palestinian leader’s possible motivation, if he is indeed behind this arms shipment. These arms would increase his ability to pressure Israel: by acquiring long-range artillery, the Palestinians could threaten the Israeli home front and achieve a demoralizing and deterring effect on the Israeli public, similar to the “walking bombs” of Hamas and PIJ.

Implications for Indigenous Arms Production

The downside of the Israeli success in intercepting arms transfers and denying the PA the possibility of importing weapons is that it will likely increase pressure inside the PA to invest more resources in the domestic production of weapons and ammunition. Local arms production could provide the Palestinians with sufficient ammunition to prolong their guerrilla operations.

The Palestinians lack the industrial infrastructure needed to manufacture advanced weapons, but they have demonstrated their ability to produce light arms and ammunition, such as grenades, primitive antitank weapons, and artillery weapons.

In May 2001, for example, the Israeli security services uncovered a network of Palestinian operatives in Gaza who were involved in the manufacturing of thousands of mortar shells of various calibers. Members of the network included senior ranking officers of the Palestinian police and the Preventive Security Service in Gaza, headed by Muhammad Dahlan.

Hamas has also been involved in plans to produce homemade katyusha rockets. On January 2, the Israeli General Security Service arrested a Hamas operative en route to Saudi Arabia, apparently on a mission to receive funding and technical assistance for establishing rocket production plants in Gaza and the West Bank. Should such efforts continue to fail, some Palestinians have suggested that the PA consider developing chemical and perhaps biological weapons, which could be smuggled and concealed more easily than conventional weapons and could act as deterrents against any future Israeli attack intended to destroy the PA.

Israel’s Response to the PA’s Armament

In the short run, Israel will tighten its blockade along the Gaza coast and pressure the United States to recognize as sponsors of terrorism the countries involved in arming the PA. It may also change its attitude toward the 1,000-man Palestinian Coast Guard (Shurta Bahariyya), an elite unit established in 1995 (as part of the Cairo Agreement) to prevent the smuggling of goods and weapons into the PA. The fact that the captain of the Karine-A, Omar Akwi, is a Coast Guard colonel indicates that this group has become the main facilitator of weapons smuggling into the PA — a reality that may force Israel to equate the Coast Guard with the Tanzim and Force 17, both officially recognized by Israel as terror organizations.

In the longer run, the strategic threat represented by long- range weapons introduced into the hands of the Palestinians adds a new dimension to the debate about the feasibility of a demilitarized Palestinian state as part of a final-status agreement with Israel. When peace negotiations resume, Israel is likely to condition any further concessions to the PA on the collection and surrender of all weapons prohibited by the Oslo agreements, and will be less flexible in granting the Palestinians control over border passages with Jordan and Egypt, as well as air and sea ports.

Lt. Col. Gal Luft (IDF, res.) is a doctoral candidate at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies and is the author of The Palestinian Security Services: Between Police and Army (The Washington Institute, 1998).

Copyright © The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
1828 L Street Suite 1050
Washington, D.C. 20036
Phone: (202) 452-0650, Fax: (202) 223-5364
EMail: info@washingtoninstitute.org

When the Captain of the PLO Gunship Gave a news Interview

The Captain Speaks

Akawi: “I knew the weapons were destined for the Gaza Strip”.

Ma’ariv (p. 8) by Oded Granot — “I knew the weapons were destined for the Gaza Strip. I received instructions from the Palestinian Authority’s representative in Greece, Adel Awadallah,” said yesterday the captain of the Karine-A weapons ship, Omar Akawi, in a special interview he gave to television networks from his cell in the Shikma prison in Ashkelon.

Following are excerpts of the interview that was conducted by Oded Granot:

Question: Can you give us some details. How was the loading of the weapons carried out?

Akawi: “I was asked to go to a certain point in the Persian Gulf.”

Question: In the Persian Gulf?

Akawi: “Near the border with Iran, that’s where they gave me a point [of destination] and told me to sail to it and to drop anchor, to dock. I sailed, afterwards another, small ship approached me. They said to me: ‘we have a few items for you.’ I said ‘be my guest.'”

Question: Where did that ship come from, from Iran?

Akawi: “I don’t know where it came from. The ship came to me. It didn’t have a name or a flag. Nothing.”

Question: At this stage, did you know that you [your boat] were being loaded with weapons and explosives?

Akawi: “Yes. I knew they were loading weapons onto me [my boat].”

Question: How did you feel? That isn’t something routine, after all.

Akawi: “Look, I was told that these were weapons for Palestine. And I’m a Palestinian officer who is doing his duty. It is my people’s right to defend itself.”

Question: Did you know precisely what kinds of weapons were involved?

Akawi: “No. Everything was closed, and as the commander of the group it was my job to transship. My job wasn’t to take the weapons there. My job was to take these weapons and transfer them to other boats. I knew only that these weapons were going to Palestine.”

Question: From the outset you knew that these weapons were going to the Palestinian Authority and not to Lebanon or anywhere else?

Akawi: “These weapons were, I believe, a contribution from good members of the Arab and Islamic nation to the Palestinian people.”

Question: So you mean from Iran, from Hizbullah, from whom?

Akawi: “I received it near Iran, so where could it have come from? You’re smart and can understand on your own.”

Question: What is Hizbullah’s connection to this affair?

Akawi: “Hizbullah wants to help the Palestinian people. They want to take part in the Palestinian people’s struggle.”

Question: But a senior Hizbullah official took part in loading the weapons.

Akawi: “There was a guy. He was a diver who was responsible for those containers.”

Question: Were you surprised by the Israeli troops that landed on your ship? Did you expect that?

Akawi: “I didn’t expect it.”

Question: Tell us what happened.

Akawi: “I was asleep. They came at around 4:30 and raided the ship between 4:30 and 4:45. I wasn’t awake yet. I was asleep. I woke up when I heard noises on the deck. Stomping feet, so I thought it was a malfunction of some sort. I went out to see, it was around 4:45, and I saw armed soldiers all over the deck. What do you want, I said to my deputy. What’s up. They asked me: ‘what are you carrying?’ I said to them, just cargo. ‘Open up here, what’s in here?’ they asked, I said: crates. ‘And what’s in this crate?’ I said to them: equipment. They opened it, of course. Inside was a rubber boat, and they opened the large crate and said: ‘what’s in here?’ I told them: weapons. They said: ‘you open it.’ I said to them: okay, I’ll open it. They told me: ‘it’s booby-trapped.’ I said to them: ‘I don’t think so.’ They said to me: ‘you open it.’ I said: fine, and I opened it. They followed me and removed a Kalashnikov rifle from the crate.”

Question: While you were en route to Gaza, did you send reports to the Naval Command Headquarters here [i.e. in Gaza]?

Akawi: “I maintained some radio contact. I was in contact with another individual.”

Question: With whom?

Akawi: “With Adel Awadallah. I didn’t have anything to do with the others, neither with Gaza nor with anyone else.”

Question: And where is Adel now?

Akawi: “I don’t know.”

Question: Where was he?

Akawi: “He worked in Greece.”

Question: Is there anything you want to say?

Akawi: “I want to say that we will rely on patience and Allah. I want my daughter Malek to be proud that her father struggled. I want to find out how my daughter, wife and parents are.”

Akawi signaled V for victory at first, but then asked for tissues.

Ma’ariv (p. 8) by Oded Granot — Captain Omar Akawi, 44, is a veteran seaman and a member of the middle generation in Fatah. He is a mustached seaman of the kind that becomes nauseous on solid ground.

He was born in Tulkarm, but spent most of his years in the organization outside the territories. In 1976 he joined the Fatah’s naval force in Beirut, received naval training in Pakistan and sailed from one port to another. A little bit of trade and probably a bit of smuggling too. He moved to Gaza just three years ago and in the past two years has served, in addition to his job as an officer in the naval force, as the captain of the Gandali, a missile ship of sorts that is docked in Gaza.

Yesterday he told me that as such, it was his honor to ferry Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat to the consecration of the natural gas site off the coast of Gaza. He cannot confirm whether Arafat knew about the weapons ship. In the last 20 years it has been his lot to be involved in some way in all the failed operations conducted by the Palestinian naval force. He was on board the Blue Moon, which tried in the early 1980s to fire Katyusha rockets on Eilat, and which was caught by Egypt. Nearly two years later he was on board another ship that was about to open fire on Eilat, but which was sunk by the Israeli Navy.

He was also linked to the Santorini, which last year tried to smuggle weapons from Lebanon into the Palestinian Authority but was caught by the Israeli navy. There were some people who tried to foist onto him the blame for the negligent planning of the operation, which led to the seizure. Yesterday, in the interview he gave from Shikma prison in Ashkelon, Akawi did away with all doubts and confirmed what was already known: The weapons being carried by the ship were meant for the Palestinian Authority in the Gaza Strip. The Iranians organized the shipment. Hizbullah was involved in training the divers.

Akawi entered the interview raising his hand in a V for victory. He knew that he was transporting weapons and he did it to assist “the struggle of my people.” He burst into tears when he recalled his wife and daughter, who live in Libya. “I want my daughter Malek to be proud of her fighting father,” he said, crying.

He asked for a tissue. I handed him a box. When he wiped the tears and composed himself he said that while the IDF operation took him by surprise, he believed that there was a good chance that the Egyptians would stop him in the course of the strict inspection they conduct in the Suez Canal, or the Americans, who now check out the entire world.

Sharon demanded and the GSS objected, but ultimately the interview was approved.

Ma’ariv (p. 9) by Yoav Limor —

GSS officials objected to allowing the captain of the Karine-A to be interviewed by journalists, but ultimately caved in to the explicit demand made by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

The proposal to hold interviews with the captain of the Palestinian ship, Omar Akawi, was introduced on Sunday night. The reason for the proposal was the meager turnout of foreign journalists at the press conference held by the prime minister in Eilat, and the feeling that the Israeli public relations effort had failed to be persuasive in the world. After a consultation, a decision was made to allow a number of foreign journalists to meet with Akawi and to interview him.

The recommendation was approved by Sharon, and a decision was made to let two foreign television crews — from the American Fox network and the Reuters news agency — to interview Akawi. The IDF Spokesperson’s Office began coordinating the interviews, at which point a new idea was raised by the Prime Minister’s Bureau, to allow Israeli television crews interview the captain.

Akawi is under GSS custody and is being interrogated by GSS agents in the Ashkelon prison. As a result, officials from the Prime Minister’s Bureau asked the GSS to arrange for the interviews to be held. The GSS objected strongly to this proposal. GSS Director Avi Dichter said he believed that the investigation ought to be completed first, noting that the public relations effect could be achieved by other means. But Dichter failed to persuade Sharon, who instructed that the interviews be arranged. Yesterday morning the television crews showed up at Ashkelon prison, and interviewed Akawi for a number of hours. When representatives of the other media learned of this (the radio and the press) they were furious and demanded that they be given an equal opportunity to interview the captain of the Karine-A. Their demands were rejected.

Was Arafat Responsible for the PLO Gun Ship?

Seamen admit: we reported every step to the PA

Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 7) by Alex Fishman —

Members of the Israeli intelligence service burst into laughter when they heard Arafat’s announcement that he proposed establishing a committee to investigate the affair of the Karine-A arms ship. This was because the two central figures in this affair, those who engineered the weapons purchase and its method of smuggling, are regular members of Arafat’s entourage. The two are the deputy commander of the Palestinian naval force, Fathi Razem, and the director of the financial administration of the National Security Service, Fuad Shubaki – the man in charge of financing the Palestinian security mechanisms. The two men are permanent members of Arafat’s entourage. They do not make a move without him because they both know that if they attempt to move without the immunity of Arafat’s entourage, Israel will arrest them.

For months they have been acting exactly like wanted men. Every time they wanted to go from place to place, Arafat flew them in his helicopters. Surveillance of flights by the two men has already become part of the folklore of intelligence personnel in Israel who follow their moves. Razem is now abroad, apparently due to the Karine-A deal, and it is apparently technically difficult for him to return to the Palestinian Authority. On the other hand, Fuad Shubaki is stuck in Ramallah. When Arafat is grounded, he is also grounded. Two weeks ago he attempted to play it smart and leave under another “umbrella,” that of Col. Mohammed Dahlan, the commander of Preventive Security Service in Gaza, who was also a partner in the secret of the weapons ship affair, according to sources in the security establishment.

Dahlan suddenly asked to go to Libya in order to raise money for the Palestinian Authority. From the outset this request looked strange to Israel. And then Dahlan added a request: to have Fuad Shubaki join him. Israel already knew about the Karine-A and Shubaki’s involvement in the affair. Dahlan’s request to have Shubaki join him was denied and he set out for Libya on his own. On his way back he stopped off in Egypt. It is believed that Shubaki thought he could reach Egypt under Dahlan’s protection to supervise from close up the loading of the weapons onto small ships at the port of Alexandria.

Incidentally, four months ago Shubaki set out for Iraq via the Allenby Bridge, and stayed there for some time. When he wanted to return, Israel did not approve his return to the territories. Finally after a month and a half, he succeeded in coming back to Ramallah on Arafat’s helicopter. Sources in the security establishment say that the commander of the ship, Col. Omar Akawi, who is the director of the Palestinian shipping authority, told GSS interrogators all of the details of the chain of events in the affair. According to them, he said in his interrogation that he reported to Adel Mugrabi, the weapons buyer for the Palestinian Authority and the man apparently responsible for negotiations with the Iranians, on every action he took during the sail.

Security sources say that all four Palestinians who were arrested on board the Karine-A vessel are cooperating with the GSS interrogators, and that their detailed confessions prove that the Palestinian Authority is behind the smuggling attempt.

Together with the four Palestinian who were arrested on the ship, nine crew members were also arrested who are Jordanian and Egyptian citizens. The GSS is also interrogating them, but it appears that they did know what type of cargo they were carrying and thought that this was a regular sailing. These crew members only discovered that this was a ship carrying weapons after one of the crates broke open and its contents were exposed. They protested the dangerous “cargo,” but the Palestinians threatened them “not to open their mouths.” It is possible that these nine crew members will be returned to their countries today.

The investigation uncovered the fact that Adel Mugrabi was the one who purchased the ship in Lebanon two months ago, for USD 400,000. From Lebanon it continued on to Sudan, where it met up with its Palestinian crew. Later on the Karine-A continued on its way to Dubai via the port of Hudeida in Yemen where it unloaded the cargo it was carrying, and began to sail in the direction of Iran. Near the island of Qeys in Iran it hooked up with a ferry loaded with crates of ammunition, and the crates were transferred from the ferry and loaded onto the ship.

The plan was to transfer the ammunition from the ship to three smaller vessels at the port of Alexandria in Egypt. The smaller boats were to draw close to the coast of Gaza, and to throw into the sea the special floating containers developed by the Iranians for the smuggling effort.

The investigation revealed the fact that the Hizbullah organization was also connected to the affair. Personnel connected to Hizbullah Deputy Secretary General Imad Mugniyeh, who appears on the American list as an international terror operative, were those who actually transferred the weapons from the ferry to the Karine-A off the coast of Iran. In general, according to the security establishment, Mugniyeh’s men mediate between the Palestinian Authority and the Iranians on a regular basis, in order to conceal Iran’s role in connection with the Palestinian Authority. However, senior personnel from the Palestinian smuggling mechanisms have a direct connection with members of the Revolutionary Guards and with Iranian intelligence.

It was also discovered that a technical fault on the ship held the campaign up by two days. The defect forced the ship to alter its course and sail to the port of Hudeida in Yemen. The repair took two days and only after it was completed did the ship continue on its way.

Security sources: “All the strings lead to Arafat”.

Ma’ariv (p. 4) by Eli Kamir and Yoav Limor —

The cabinet will soon hold a strategic discussion on the question of Israel’s relationship to the Palestinian Authority. One of the possibilities being weighed by the prime minister: to declare officially that the Palestinian Authority is an enemy of the State of Israel. The significance of such a decision: severing all ties between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, and relating to its forces as to enemy forces.

The Prime Minister’s Bureau is now waiting to see the effect of Anthony Zinni’s mission, and whether indeed the American envoy’s involvement brings about a drastic change in the way the Palestinian Authority does business, “but no one really believes this,” said a senior source.

Last night senior diplomatic sources said that the capture of the Karine-A warship and the Iranian involvement, as well as the senior Hizbullah figure who was on board the ship, will aid in proving the triangular conspiracy between Iran, Hizbullah and the Palestinian Authority. “And in the same way that Iran and Hizbullah are declared enemies of Israel, so it will now also be with the Palestinian Authority.” Cabinet ministers, principally from the Right, have been putting great pressure in recent days to hasten the discussion and to make a sweeping and unequivocal decision against the Palestinian Authority, and principally against Arafat. As of last night, no date had yet been set for this discussion.

Senior diplomatic sources said yesterday that in recent days Israel has been devoting great efforts to have the US announce that Yasser Arafat is not relevant as far as it is concerned. In order to do this, a vast amount of material is being sent to Washington linking Arafat to terror acts and organizations. Meanwhile, senior security sources also disclosed to the Americans facts that had been hitherto unpublished: data, documents and information regarding the Karine-A ship.

The one to give the official go-ahead yesterday for the attack on the Palestinian Authority and Yasser Arafat was Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Shaul Mofaz. Mofaz declared at the cabinet meeting: “The situation we have reached obligates a strategic response regarding Israel’s relationship to the Palestinian Authority and it is very important that the discussion take place as soon as possible.”

The chief-of-staff also referred to the conspiracy between the Palestinian Authority and Iran and Hizbullah: “Today there is a strategic connection between Iran, Hizbullah and the Palestinian Authority. It may be determined with absolute certainty that the Palestinian Authority has hooked up with all the terror organizations,” he said.

Other security sources also made similar comments and yesterday said that “the time has come to stop playing games. Arafat is an enemy and we must start treating him accordingly. After what we saw on board the weapons ship, it makes me shudder even to think what would happen if the Palestinians had a state.”

The consensus in the security establishment yesterday was nearly total regarding the “wider significance” of the capture of the Karine-A vessel, and the weapons discovered on board. “There is no more room for commentary,” a few sources stated. “All the strings lead to Arafat and the people closest to him, now that it is clear what they are really planning while they talk of peace.”

The sources said that there is clear cut and unequivocal proof of the fact that Arafat himself was in on the secret of the arms smuggling.

According to them, alongside intelligence evidence, it is also a matter of logic: “Arafat himself personally signs all of the pay vouchers of every last Tanzim branch, so how is it possible that he did not know about an expense of tens of millions of dollars for purchase of weapons and materiel?”

These are the weapons captured:

Ma’ariv (p. 3)

122 mm. Katyusha launchers 4
rockets (range of 20 km.) 62
107 mm. Katyusha launchers 6
rockets (range of 8.5 km.) 283
120 mm. mortar launchers 10
shells (range of 6 km.) 700
81 mm. mortar launchers 19
shells (range of 5 km.) 686
60 mm. mortar launchers 10
shells (range of 1700 m.) 159
Sagger anti-tank missile launchers 6
missiles 10
RPG rockets 328
hand grenades 735
launchers for RPG 7 rockets 51
RPG 18 rockets 346
mines 522
Zodiac speedboats with 25 HP engines 2
C4 and TNT explosives 2200 kg
Dargonov sniper rifles with telescopic sights 30
machine guns 18
Kalashnikov assault rifles 212
bullets for Kalashnikov 407,800
sophisticated floating containers for weapons 80

How the Israeli Media Covered the Capture of a PA Ammo ship

In a pre-dawn raid on Thursday morning, January 3, 2002, IDF naval commando troops seized control of the Karine-A vessel without a fight and forced it to sail 500 kilometers north to Eilat. The ship, which Israeli officials say was owned by the PA and manned partly by PA officials, including a colonel in the Palestinian Authroity navy, was laden with at least 50 tons of weapons and ammunition. The media in Israel report that notwithstanding Palestinian denials and some American equivocations, the weapons and ship were bought by the Palestinian Authority and were earmarked for Palestinian use…. Here is what the Israeli media looked like on Sunday, January 6th, 2002, as the story of the ship capture unfolded.

Arafat Caught Red Handed

Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 1) by Nahum Barnea — The capture of the Palestinian weapons ship was not just a successful, James Bond-like military operation. It is a landmark in the history of the conflict. If the Entebbe operation extended the boundaries of the war on terror, the Red Sea operation created a new, sharper identification of the coalition of terror.

It casts Arafat in an embarrassing light. He is not only the great kisser from Ramallah. He is also the gunsmith [this is a play on words in Hebrew that cannot be translated. [The roots of the Hebrew words “kiss” and “weapon” are identical (n.sh.k.)]

It casts the Iranian government in an even more embarrassing light. Some American administration officials have been nurturing the Iranian dream ever since September 11. Iran, which was Bin Laden’s declared enemy and which, contrary to Egypt and Saudi Arabia, did not feed al-Qaida’s terror cells, was supposed to be the United States’ greatest ally in the Moslem world.

All that was under the assumption that the Iranian regime stopped exporting terror. In George W. Bush’s United States, that is an inviolable condition.

The Americans knew that the Iranians continued to maintain their covert involvement in Middle Eastern terror: they operate Hizbullah and urge Islamic Jihad and Hamas to resume the terror attacks. But covert operations can either be denied or repressed. You can’t swallow 50 tons of weapons, including Katyusha rockets. If the Iranian government is behind this shipment it is, according to the standards set by Bush, like the Taliban regime.

That means that the Americans have to reexamine their priorities. It may be that the eradication of the Iranian nuclear option is more urgent that the eradication of Saddam Hussein’s regime. And it means that the Americans have no one to rely on in the Moslem world except Turkey.

The weapons on the boat apparently were earmarked for both the Palestinian Authority and Hizbullah. That division only worsens the Palestinian Authority’s situation. Anyone who forges an alliance of terror with Hizbullah can’t say in the same breath that he aspires to reach a peace agreement with Israel. Arafat was caught with his pants down.

The Israeli governments have long hoped for a Palestinian “Altalena” ever since the Oslo accords were signed. Altalena was the weapons ship that the Etzel brought to Israel in 1948. Ben-Gurion interpreted the ship’s arrival as an attempted rebellion and ordered that it be sunk. The hope was that Arafat would fight the rejectionist organizations until they were eradicated, just like Ben-Gurion fought the Etzel.

But Arafat had other aspirations. He doesn’t sink Altalenas. He brings them in.

One can say, of course, that the secret acquisition of weapons is the legitimate act of a people that strives to achieve its independence, and of an authority that is helpless in the face of Israel’s military edge. One can also say that the Palestinians did not buy the weapons with the intention of using them, but only to deter Israel. Israel too, when it was in its first years of existence, spent most of its money on secret acquisitions that in many cases were in violation of its international commitments.

The difference is that Israel stood then with its back to the sea, against the Arab invader. Arafat has just declared, under American pressure, the end of the Intifada. He said that he is intent on peace, on a cease-fire, on a hudna.

(Yesterday, some of Sharon’s confidants reflected sarcastically on how the expression on President Katzav’s face would have looked had the ship been discovered an hour after he made his hudna with Arafat in Ramallah. Would the president have relocated the festive ceremony to the ship’s bow, like in the movie Titanic?)

The capture of the ship has made Sharon a happy man. That is understandable. Not only because of the stunning military operation, which has bolstered national morale and pride, but mostly because of its diplomatic implications. Sharon is very fortunate that Arafat, the serial gunsmith, has remained relevant. What would he do without him?

A Perfect Operation

Ma’ariv (p. 1) by Yaakov Erez — [Yaakov Erez is the editor-in-chief of Ma’ariv.]

The successful raid carried out by navy forces demonstrated to the Palestinians and the entire world the IDF’s surprising response capabilities, which are not limited just to Israel or to sites where fighting is in progress.

Five hundred kilometers from Israel’s shores, in the open expanses of the Red Sea, at 4:00 a.m. Thursday morning, navy units raided a merchant ship on its way to the Suez Canal. The forces knew how to locate the ship accurately, and succeeded in taking it over with a combined raid from the air and the sea, with no casualties. In its hold, they discovered a large shipment of explosives and weaponry which was sent by the Palestinians with Iranian help in order to escalate the fighting in the territories and begin a new chapter in the war against Israel.

Uncovering the cargo aboard the Karine-A was the primary goal of the military raid, but the significance of the operation, which was carried out flawlessly, was that it demonstrated impressive operational capabilities by the IDF, far from Israeli territory, while using intelligence methods in an awe-inspiring fashion.

The IDF has already made long-range raids whose stories have become movie scripts. But on Thursday, in early January 2002, the Israeli Navy operated in a surprising and respect-arousing way. For doing so, the IDF, the Navy and its commanders deserve much gratitude from the people of Israel.

The Karine-A was located several days ago, after embarking from Yemen and heading for the Suez Canal. Surveillance and pursuit from a distance were implemented, and most of that time, the ship was under Israeli eyes. When it was 500 kilometers from Eilat, Chief of Staff Shaul Mofaz decided to raid the ship. Despite the great distance from Eilat and the uncertainty of everything going as planned, the chief of staff decided this was the right time to carry out the raid. Navy commandos had been dispatched to the target two days earlier. The uncertainty was great. No one knew how many terrorists were on board and whether the raiding forces would encounter armed resistance.

At the time of the raid, the senior commanding officers, Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Shaul Mofaz, Navy Commander Maj. Gen. Yedidya Yaari and IAF Commander Maj. Gen. Dan Halutz, sat in a Boeing 707, flying over the region of the raid. The plane was the forward command post of the forces. The rear command post was under the command of Deputy Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Moshe Yaalon, and included the deputy commanders of the Navy and the Air Force, as well as intelligence personnel. They followed the developments from Israel.

The process of taking over the ship was carried out in a surprise fashion, which has not been revealed thus far. Within a minute, the ship’s control room, which was manned by two crew members, was in the hands of Israeli Navy commandos.

The ship was quickly searched and the large cargo the Karine-A was carrying was discovered. Five Palestinians were discovered on board, men belonging to Arafat’s naval branch, and they were under the command of the deputy commander of the naval branch at Gaza who served as ship’s captain. Once the combing of the ship began, a great deal of varied weaponry was discovered, all of Iranian make. The quantity and diversity of the weapons prove beyond a doubt that the Palestinian Authority, which had purchased the ship and the weaponry from Iran, planned to smuggle the cargo into the Gaza Strip in order to create a new and significant threat to Israel. The launching devices included Katyushas and many mortar launchers.

There is no doubt that the success of the operation cut short or halted, for now, a new military move by Arafat. It seems that for the Palestinian leader, words and actions are never in accord. On the very day that the Karine-A was crossing the Bab el-Mindab Straits, Arafat sent an invitation to President Katzav to speak before the Palestinian parliament in Ramallah. On the one hand is the supposedly diplomatic aspect, including the agreements with Zinni, and on the other hand the military aspect: practical preparations for the next and more serious stage of the Intifada. For the time being, this step was cut short. All thanks to a bold and complex operation carried out flawlessly by IDF forces, 500 kilometers from a home port, with the chief of staff selecting the method of operation which had all the chances of success. During the operation itself, he emphasized avoiding hitches and casualties, due to the distance form the home port, and the combined operation of naval and air forces.

The takeover of the Karine-A was one of the most impressive operations the IDF has carried out. It can easily be dubbed “The Navy’s Operation Entebbe.”

Arafat Wants a “Balance of Deterrence”

Ma’ariv (p. 9) by Oded Granot (news analysis) — One need not leap to far-reaching conclusions in view of the presence of a Hizbullah activist aboard the Karine-A, aside from the simple fact that Hizbullah has long been involved in smuggling weapons to the Palestinian Authority. Hizbullah was also connected to previous shipments, which made their way to Gaza thought the Mediterranean Sea, until that route was blocked by the Israeli Navy.

And one should also not get too excited by leaks by anonymous American officials who told The New York Times yesterday that Hizbullah, not the PA, was actually the final destination of the Karine-A.

Because Hizbullah, with its incredible arsenal in southern Lebanon, with its arsenal of long-range Katyushas which can reach Haifa and Hadera, does not need 60mm mortars, sniper rifles, RPG launchers, Sagger missiles, and such a large number of guns that even by last night they had not all been removed from the ship’s hold in Eilat.

Nor does Hizbullah need the Iranians to cram all this cargo into 83 watertight pipes with specially marked floats, which the Gaza fishermen could easily identify and pull from the water.

Nor does Hizbullah need the Palestinians to purchase the ship for it and sail it for them, using Palestinian naval officers.

And there is a further long list of clear-cut and unequivocal evidence which point clearly to the Palestinian Authority as the organization that ordered the shipment and Iran as the main organization which provided the shipment, with Hizbullah, as a front-line branch of Iran trying to get a foothold in the territories, helping out and being involved.

The frightening shipment loaded onto the Karine-A was specifically tailored for the Palestinian Authority to help it prevent future IDF raids into Area A territories, on a tactical level; and to build a “balance of deterrence” against Israel, on a strategic level, so that Israel would be forced in the future to limit its military responses, as it is sometimes forced to do with Hizbullah in Lebanon.

The timing of the embarrassing discovery, with General Zinni in the area, was no less a blow to the Palestinian Authority as was the effect of the bombing terror attack in Jerusalem and Haifa during his previous visit. PA spokesmen vacillated this weekend between complete denials of any connection to the ship, and delaying a response, by saying something along the lines of: we’ll look into it and check it out.

But the Americans, and of course Israel, expect answers. In view of the clear-cut facts, Arafat may try to come clear of this affair by blaming bodies subordinate to him which “acted without his knowledge.” Security establishment officials insist there is no way that Arafat could not have known.

Security Officials: “Arafat Knew and Approved”

Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 11) by Amir Rappaport et al. — Very senior Palestinian Authority officials who are very close to Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat were responsible for planning the large-scale smuggling operation via the Karine-A ship. A senior security official said that the chairman was personally involved in the details of the operation and approved its various stages, including the tens of millions of dollars to finance it.

Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Shaul Mofaz said yesterday, “The connection between the ship’s crew and the Palestinian Authority is unequivocal and clear. The ship belongs to the Palestinian Authority, and senior officials are involved in the [act of] smuggling.”

Based on the preliminary questioning of the crew members on board the ship, the following details have become clear: The ship was purchased by the Palestinian Authority, was manned by a Palestinian Authority crew, and was supposed to turn the weapons over to the Palestinian police near the coast of Gaza.

The person responsible for financing the operation was Fuad Shubaki, who is in charge of budget allocations for he Palestinian security troops. He was responsible of the purchase of the weapons and the ship and for the transfer of funds.

The operation’s “operations officer” was Adel Mughrabi, chief procurement officer in the Palestinian Authority’s weapons procurement department. Mughrabi was responsible for concealing the identity of the ship and buying the plane tickets for the Palestinian crew, which flew to its port of departure.

Mughrabi received the assistance of the commander of the Palestinian Navy, Jumaa Ghali (Abu Zaki) and his deputy, Fathi Razem, in his talks with Iran and Hizbullah.

The ship’s captain was Omar Akawi, a colonel in the Palestinian navy. He commanded another 12 crew members, three of whom are officers in the Palestinian navy.

Further proof of the link between the ship and the Palestinian Authority was released on Thursday, once the IDF Naval Commando troops had completed their seizure of the ship. PLO officials who knew about the smuggling operation but not about the seizure, including the PLO’s ambassador to Cairo, waited for the ship on the Egyptian coast, where it was supposed to anchor.

The chief of staff said: “The Palestinian Authority is infected with terror from head to toe. Had the weapons reached the hands of the terror organizations, this could have dramatically endangered the lives of the state’s citizens. This operation saved human lives at an incalculable scope.”

Defense Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezer said: “The capture of the weapons ship attests to the fact that the Palestinian Authority is leading a move the entire meaning of which is war. When the weapons and means of destruction are presented to the public everyone will understand what would have happened had the shipment reached its destination. This seizure has saved the lives of tens of thousands of innocent civilians.” [… ]

Karine-A: Facts and Figures

Today IDF to Present Weapons Seized

Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 5) by Amir Rappaport — The unloading of the weapons from the Karine A continued throughout the course of the entire Sabbath. The troops began unloading the boat on Friday, a short time after the ship arrived in the port of Eilat.

IDF soldiers removed from one container after another the weapons that were stored in the hull of the ship, but the fatigue of the soldiers and the fear that the weapons might explode as a result of a technical malfunction or a booby-trap that had been placed resulted in a very slow and careful unloading process. A preliminary examination indicates that the ship held at least 50 tons of ammunition.

This afternoon Prime Minister Ariel Sharon is to take part in a press conference that is to be held on board the seized ship. The IDF is expected to present at the press conference the large quantities of weapons that were seized in the operation.

Fifty Times More Weapons Than in the Santorini

Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 2) by Amir Kravitz — Karine-A was not the first ship attempting to smuggle weapons for the Palestinians that Israeli security forces seized.

Some eight months ago troops, seized the yacht Santorini, which also held large quantities of weapons that were on their way to Gaza. The Santorini was picked up by an IAF reconnaissance plane as soon as it left its port in Tripoli, Lebanon. IDF Navy boats allowed it to draw near the coast of Haifa, just a few dozen miles off the coast, where it was stopped.

The Santorini was brought into Haifa, where large quantities of weapons were unloaded. In that instance too, an attempt was made to smuggle in Katyusha rockets to threaten major Israeli cities inside the Green Line. The Palestinians claimed then, too, that the weapons were not meant for them.

Yesterday, security officials said they believed the number of weapons on board the Karine-A was 50 times greater than the amount that the Santorini transported.

The Naval Commando’s “Entebbe”

Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 1) by Alex Fishman — People in Israel have been waiting for a long time for some sort of “Entebbe,” something that would bolster national pride, that would pick our morale up off the floorboards. On Thursday we got a lot more than that.

The “Noah’s Ark” operation may be less flashy than the Entebbe operation, less titillating to the world, and its real heroes — the naval commando troops — will remain anonymous. But this operation, the quick and elegant part, gave life to the people who live in this country. And that is not just a cliche.

Until now, only 58 out of the 83 containers that the Karine-A was carrying have been opened. Inside have been discovered, among other things, 40 122mm Katyusha rockets that have a 20-kilometer range, 200 107mm Katyusha rockets that have an 8-kilometer range, and 500 120mm mortar shells. One does not have to be a great strategist to understand what that means for the residents of the coastal plain, Afula, Hadera, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Netivot and dozens of other communities. Had these weapons gotten to the Palestinian Authority, most of the residents of Israel would have been turned into hostages. The PA would have had Israel by the throat, similar to the balance of terror that Hizbullah created along the northern border.

Furthermore, the first Katyusha rocket that would have been fired at an Israeli city would have ended in war. An almost wall-to-wall consensus would have been formed around that kind of Katyusha: There is no choice, we have to re-conquer the West Bank. Those same people in the Palestinian Authority who toyed with the idea of Katyusha rockets knew very well that they were conjuring up a war, but now they are trying to cover their tracks. The Palestinian version — which some American administration officials are inclined to accept for now — is that the equipment was earmarked for Hizbullah, and the Palestinians simply were providing them with the transport services.

There are also efforts being made to obscure the weapons that were seized. They tried to blot out the registration numbers on the weapons. What would be Hizbullah’s sudden interest in concealing the fact that it receives its weapons from Iran? And if all these weapons were to be used only by Hizbullah, why were they wrapped in special floating containers? After all, they could be unloaded at leisure from the ship in any Lebanese port.

In the press conference he held on Friday, Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Shaul Mofaz was adamant: The weapons were purchased by the Palestinian Authority and were for the Palestinian Authority. The evidence in the hands of the Israeli security forces clearly demonstrates the triangle: Iran-Hizbullah-Palestinian Authority. There is no disputing the fact the weapons are Iranian, and based on the evidence that has been released for publication it is clear that the same PA officials who were behind smuggling in the Santorini weapons ship that was caught by the Navy in May 2001 are also behind the Karine-A. At the center of this smuggling effort by the PA stands a well-known figure from the PA’s financial leadership, Fuad Shubaki, the man who was in charge of financing the deal. The ship and the equipment on board were bought by the Palestinian Authority with its money. A senior Palestinian security official is involved up to his ears in this affair. The captain of the ship and three of his officers who were caught on board are members of the Palestinian naval police. So that the claim that the weapons were earmarked only for Hizbullah is more than just a little weak.

The Karine-A affair did not begin yesterday. It has been in the works for months: Beginning with the acquisition of the ship, continuing with the contacts made by Palestinian officials with Iranian intelligence officials by means of Hizbullah so as to purchase the weapons. This was no random purchase. The Palestinians decided precisely what kinds of weapons they wanted and the amounts they wanted. They needed to establish a logistical apparatus that would accompany the ship along its route through the various ports. This is a complex operation that requires thought, planning, the creation of a good cover story and a lot of money. This kind of operation could not have existed without Arafat’s office knowing about it. We are dealing with a strategic decision and not with the smuggling of arms for tactical purposes. The order for Katyusha rockets was placed long before the IDF’s forays into Area A. Someone in the Palestinian Authority was planning the next stage in the struggle.

When American envoy Anthony Zinni heard about the weapons ship he did not look surprised. “I knew that he (Arafat) is a liar,” he said, according to Israeli sources who were in his company. But the Americans have not lost hope. There are some people in the State Department who believe that Arafat’s embarrassment will spur him to do something to create trust between the two parties. Officials in Israel are less optimistic and speak about the need to reopen and reexamine the entire array of relations with the Palestinian Authority.

The Operation

“It’s in Our Hands”Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 2) by Alex Fishman and Amir Rappaport — It was all over within eight minutes, without even a single shot having been fired. The lightning-speed, “classic James Bond” operation, as it was defined by one of the General Staff major generals, ended with a ship laden with weapons intended for use against Israel captured 500 kilometers from the Israeli coast.

The military operation began to roll a few months ago. Israeli intelligence officials discovered that the Palestinian Authority had bought a cargo ship, the Karine-A, in Lebanon several months before, with the intention of using it to smuggle weapons that would be provided by Iran and Hizbullah.

The person who put the plan together on the Palestinian side was Adel Mughrabi, an operations officer and the chief procurement officer in the PA’s weapons procurement department, who has been acting on this issue since October 2000. With the assistance of the commander of the Palestinian Navy, Jumaa Ghali, and his deputy, Fathi Razem, he held talks with Iranian and Hizbullah officials, formed a crew for the ship, appointed a captain and coordinated the wrapping up of the weapons.

The Planning

About a month ago various military elements began constructing operational models for the capture of the ship. Some three weeks ago the operation moved on to a new stage: The prime minister’s military secretary, Maj. Gen. Moshe Kaplinsky, “snuck” three senior officers into the Prime Minister’s Residence through the back door. The officers were Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Shaul Mofaz, IAF Commander Maj. Gen. Dan Halutz and Navy Commander Maj. Gen. Yedidya Yaari. They came to discuss a classified military operation: capturing the ship hundreds of kilometers from the Israeli coast.

The three presented the prime minister with plans for the operation, and Sharon approved them. The Noah’s Ark operation went into operational mode. The IAF and Navy began training in a number of elements: long-range flights, aerial refueling, various take-over operations. One of the central problems was the fact that the Devora coast guard ships that generally patrol the Eilat area are not meant for long-range operations. Nevertheless, a decision was made to set a new precedent and to use them.

The Cargo

A number of weeks ago the ship left the port of Hudida in Yemen. On board were nine sailors, Egyptian and Jordanian, who saw stereo systems and other electronic equipment on board and believed that they were working for stolen goods smugglers. The ship was also manned by another four members of the Palestinian Navy. One of the four was a member of Hizbullah. The commander of the ship was Omar Akawi, a colonel in the Palestinian naval police.

In early December the ship set sail for the Iranian coast. On December 11 it was near the island Qeys, which is under Iranian control. It was met by an Iranian ferry on board of which were Iranian intelligence officials in the company of a top Hizbullah official, Imad Mughniya, who serves as the liaison between Iran and the Palestinian Authority. The people aboard the ferry loaded the weapons onto the boat. The weapons were wrapped in special sealed containers that are manufactured in Iran only.

Some 50 tons of weapons were placed in 83 special containers. Among other things in the containers were missiles that, if fired from PA territory, could hit any point in central Israel. The containers would have allowed what is known as “neutral floating,” in which the containers float just beneath the surface of the sea, when the only visible sign is a buoy that marks the container’s location. The Hizbullah official aboard the ship was responsible for using this equipment since its operation is quite complicated.

According to the Palestinian plan, the ship was supposed to have sailed to the port of Alexandria, at which point the weapons were to be transferred to three smaller vessels. The smaller ships were supposed to drop off the weapons a short distance from the coast of Gaza and el-Arish, from which point it was to be picked up by the commander of the Palestinian Naval Police.

Israeli officials believe that most or all of the equipment was to be placed in PA storehouses and a part of the weapons — at the Iranians’ demand — was earmarked for the Hamas and Islamic Jihad terror organizations in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

The Location

After a technical problem the boat sailed back to Yemen, and then set off again for its destination. On Wednesday the boat was about 500 kilometers away from the Israeli coast, opposite the Sudanese coast. This was considered to be an optimal point for seizing control of the boat for a number of reasons. In international waters it is more likely to be able to operate without interference from a third party, there was relatively low possibility of the troops being discovered, and the location was far enough away from the final destination to assume that the people on board the ship would still not be on high alert.

It might have been easier to operate in the Mediterranean, but IDF officials wanted to refrain from an operation that would involve an incursion into Egyptian territorial waters.

In the IDF, intelligence work continued and further bits of information were put together to corroborate the fact that this was actually a ship carrying arms. The Karine-A flew the flag of the African country, Tonga, and Israeli officials were afraid that an international diplomatic incident might be created if it turned out to be a merchant vessel raided by Israel in pirate fashion. After a number of clarifications were made, there was no doubt left.

The Raid

Before the operation was launched, a number of Devora ships and the mother command ship, with the deputy commander of the Navy on board, were deployed in the area. The chief of staff, the IAF commander and the commander of the Navy monitored the events from a command plane that flew overhead above the Suez canal, when the Navy commander was the actual commander of the operation.

The command plane was capable of monitoring all the internal communication among the various combat soldiers in the course of the actual operation. This allowed the commanding echelon to make decision in the course of the operation itself.

At 4:00 a.m. Thursday morning the combined operation from the air and sea began, with the troops in the field under the command of the commander of the IDF Naval Commando. A transport helicopter suddenly appeared in the sky, under the cover of two Apache, and hovered above the ship. Dozens of commando troops shimmied down ropes onto the ship’s deck. At precisely that same moment, more Naval Commando troops climbed aboard the ship from the stormy sea. These troops had made their way to the ship in small rubber boats. As soon as the troops’ feet were on the deck of the cargo ship, a race against time began. The troops had to capture the 13 people on board as soon as possible, take them off guard, without their understanding what was happening. Indeed, 11 were caught while they were sleeping. The two men on duty on the deck were not able to reach their guns in time.

The Conclusion

The operation lasted eight minutes, a well-timed concert executed professionally and precisely. Two minutes later, at 4:10, the chief of staff placed a phone call to Tel Aviv: “It’s in our hands.” Talk on the wavelengths was done sparingly so as to prevent anyone from tapping into the conversations between the chief of staff and the “pit” in the General Staff building. But everyone knew what the chief of staff was referring to.

The execution was perfect. It was time for a toast.

On Friday afternoon, the planes and helicopters that took part in the operation began to return. The peak was when the commando ship returned to its base in Eilat with the troops on board. Hundreds of vacationers along the beach received them with a loud round of applause. A short time before 8:00 in the evening the Karine-A docked in the naval base in Eilat, with the Israeli flag flying on its mast.

Four Palestinians are currently under GSS interrogation. The nine Egyptian and Jordanian sailors will be released in the next few days because they did not know about the weapons when they boarded the ship. They said in their interrogation that at a certain stage in the sailing, one of the weapons’ containers broke and when they saw what was inside they wanted to leave the ship. They said the Palestinians threatened to kill them and they had to remain on board to complete the journey.

Yedioth Exclusive: IDF Naval Officer — “We Surprised Them in Their Sleep”

Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 12) by Goel Beno — “We knew what we were training for, but only when we reached the beach, after the operation itself, did we comprehend the magnitude of the issue,” said one of the commanders of the daring operation in the heart of the sea.

The commander, an IDF Naval Commando officer in the reserves, was called up to serve some time before the operation.

“The operation was carried out at a distance of some 300 miles from the Israeli coast,” he related. “The weather wasn’t good all the way, only part. The surprise was absolute at the time of the seizure of the ship. The members of the ship’s crew who were awake were completely seized by paralysis. We woke the others up. We blindfolded them and didn’t let them talk with one another. They were separated from each other. While not a single shot was fired, we were compelled to use force and to take the wheel from them. We figured that we would come under fire, and of course we trained for that possibility. There is always backup and security, but no one ever thinks of failure.”

Despite the preparations the combatants made before the operation, they too were surprised when they boarded the ship. They did not expect to find so much weaponry on board. “We knew exactly what we were training for,” said the officer. “But it was a surprise nevertheless. The amount of weapons and ammunition surprised us too.”

The officer, who has had his share of operations behind enemy lines in the past during his many years of service in the naval commando, sounded very pleased last night with the results of the operation. “In an operation you don’t think about anything except for the desire to succeed. You think about the job that needs to be done, and everyone does their job flawlessly. This operation, on the national level, is a rather big achievement,” he said with pride. “Until you set foot on the beach, this business, from your perspective as a combatant and as a commander, is not over. Only afterwards do you think of what you did, do you understand the magnitude of the affair, and the satisfaction is great. This was not an operation of lone wolves, like they think about members of the naval commando, but absolutely a complex operation. In spite of the scope and the difficulties, the success of the operation makes you feel extremely satisfied when you know that the Israeli population was saved from all those weapons and ammunition. The feeling is definitely superb.

“Most of the guys are in their compulsory service, youngsters. Very few are reservists. But everyone is an experienced combat soldier. Today everyone feels they contributed on the national level; they swap experiences, jokes; there is a feeling of liberation, satisfaction and joy. Only after everything do you begin to think about your family and friends.”

On Friday, after the operation, when the officer returned to Eilat, he called his wife, whom he met during his military service when she was a secretary in the unit. After a long period of time in which he could not tell her what he was training for, he asked her to turn on the TV and to watch the news conference scheduled for the afternoon. After the broadcast, she understood everything.

Question: What did your wife say?

Answer: “What could she say? ‘Way to go, but I’m not built for that kind of stuff any more.'”

Question: Do things go back to normal tomorrow?

Answer: “Yes, until the next operation, I hope.”

Karine-A: Arafat’s Part

Palestinian Naval police: Arafat’s Elite UnitMa’ariv (p. 10) by Hanan Shlein — The Palestinian naval police, A-Shurta al-Bahri, is considered Yasser Arafat’s elite unit, to which the chairman of the Palestinian Authority assigns the most important missions. Palestinian sources reported that this force, which Arafat established decades ago, includes several hundred activists who were trained in the military academies and navies of the Arab countries. The force is headed by General Juma Ghali, whose headquarters are in Gaza. The force’s official mission is guarding the Palestinians’ territorial water border in Gaza. However, Palestinian sources say they carry out other missions as well, and some even act as Arafat’s bodyguards.

On occasion, the force was involved in attempts by terrorist groups to bring in weaponry or terrorist cells by sea. Currently, naval police units also operate in the West Bank. The unit’s members, who have undergone naval commando training, were posted mainly in Nablus as a special intervention force.

Palestinian sources say that the force possesses several rubber boats as well as M16s, Kalachnikov rifles and machine guns.

The Mask is Torn

Ma’ariv (p. 1) by Binyamin Netanyahu — The confiscation of the arms ship has once again torn the mask off Arafat’s face. Once again his method was exposed: talking peace in the west and preparing a war in the east. Once again it became clear that at his will he incites terrorism and at his will he quiets it down, but that he is always preparing the next murderous mission to serve his immutable goal, which is the destruction of Israel. The IDF and the security branches, along with the prime minister and the defense minister, deserve all possible praise for capturing the ship in time, but what are the strategic lessons we should learn from this? First of all, the terrible danger of the establishment of a Palestinian state has been revealed once more. This will be a sovereign terrorist state. If it is established, and with our consent yet, then we will not be able to prevent arms ships, like the one discovered, from arriving at that state day and night. Within a short time, it will have stockpiled arsenals of weapons which will threaten every Israeli citizen and the entire state. Therefore, in every possible scenario of the foreseeable future, Israel must maintain full security control of the borders of the Palestinian entity, and that does not, of course, fall in with an agreement to Palestinian sovereignty.

Therefore, I have warned time and time again, since the Oslo Accords to this very day, of the existential danger the State of Israel would face with the establishment of a Palestinian state. Now, I say once more that consent to the establishment of such a state, which was expressed by the foreign minister and which received the prime minister’s agreement, is a fateful mistake which must be rectified immediately. Second, we must understand once and for all that we cannot reach any arrangement with Arafat. His promises and his signature are worthless. Everything he says and does is intended to trick us into believing that he and his mates are prepared to live peacefully by our side. His only goal as the head of the PLO is to bring us to a situation in which the Arabs will be able to destroy us.

Therefore, we have only one choice: topple his regime and destroy the forces of terrorism. Only in that way will everybody who would come in his place know that there is a heavy price to pay for terrorism against Israel and that the plot to destroy us is a vain idea. Maybe then, the way will be opened to reconciliation and peace between us and those among the Arabs who still insist on trying to annihilate us.

The Iranian Connection

Senior Officials: Iran’s True Face Exposed

Ma’ariv (p. 11) by Yoav Limor — Israeli officials state that there is “clear-cut evidence” of Iranian involvement in supplying the weapons captured on board the Karine-A. In light of this, the prime minister, the defense minister and the foreign minister plan to begin marathon talks with leaders worldwide, demanding that they take action against Iran. Peres even plans to demand that the international community add Iran to the list of countries which support terrorism. “Most of the weaponry discovered on the ship is Iranian,” Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Shaul Mofaz stated on Friday. “This shows a tight connection between the Palestinian Authority and Iran and terrorist groups connected to it, which are interested in Israel’s destruction,” he said.

“The Iranian connection” was revealed already at the beginning of the investigation of the ship’s crew. They said that the loading of the weaponry was conducted under the supervision of “Farsi-speaking people,” probably members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard. In addition, the containers in which the weapons were concealed carried writing in Farsi, as did some of the weaponry itself. It is believed the 50 tons of weaponry were loaded onto the ship at the Iranian island of Qeys at the beginning of its journey.

Israeli officials can point to a strengthening of ties between Palestinian Authority bodies and Iranian government officials over recent months, probably in an effort to get weapons. The Iranians also provided the inspiration for previous attempts to smuggle weapons into the Gaza Strip, including aboard the Santorini, which was captured in the Mediterranean about six months ago, en route from Lebanon to Gaza. Senior political and security officials said this weekend that exposing “the Iranian connection” in the affair was “important in exposing Iran’s true face.” A senior official also said that by smuggling the arms, Iran was interested in “turning the entire State of Israel into the northern border” and in putting most of Israel’s communities within range of the long-range missiles.

Today, the prime minister, the defense minister and the foreign minister are scheduled to hold a series of talks with leaders worldwide and to present to them the details of the affair, while demanding that they take action against Iran. At the same time, the new information will also be used in a PR and media campaign abroad.

Iran, for its part, denied once more yesterday any involvement with the arms ship: “Israel’s allegations are groundless. The Zionists are trying to besmirch the image of the Intifada.”

Israeli-American cooperation

Israel and US Exchanged Intelligence Regarding Arms Ship

Ma’ariv (p. 10) by Ben Caspit et al. — Israel and the United States were completely coordinated in all pertaining to the Palestinian arms ship Karine-A which was captured this weekend by Navy commandos, a senior political source told Ma’ariv.

Israel and the US held close intelligence cooperation over the past two weeks in all concerning the arms ship. Very senior Israeli figures briefed the American CIA Director George Tenet and other senior Washington officials on details regarding the ship and its crew. In return, the Israeli officials received classified information from the Americans. However, the Americans did not ask, nor were they informed in advance, about the planned method of operation for capturing the ship.

On the night between Wednesday and Thursday, as soon as confirmation was received from sea that the takeover of the ship had been completed, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon telephoned Secretary of State Colin Powell and briefed him about the details of the operation. Powell, say senior American officials, was not particularly surprised by the news of the raid. In light of the developments, the US made stricter demands of Arafat. In a conversation between General Another Zinni and Yasser Arafat yesterday, Zinni demanded that he “stop playing games and start waging a real war on the terrorist infrastructure.” Zinni, who already on Thursday received a detailed report from the heads of the security establishment regarding the ship’s capture, arrived at his meeting with Arafat with a list of senior Palestinian Authority officials who were involved in the financing and organization of the arms ship. Despite this, the Palestinians continued denying to him any connection to the ship.

An American source said that he US accepts the Israeli assertion that Iran is behind the ship. However, a senior American source said last night, “US intelligence was brought into he picture when the ship was already at sea, so we don’t have any independent information as to what exactly happened before it left.”

This morning Foreign Minister Shimon Peres plans to write a special letter regarding the operation and especially with regard to the Iranian responsibility. The foreign minister plans to send the letter to all the world’s leaders. Peres plans to make mention of the comment by former Iranian president Rafsanjani that an atom bomb should be dropped on Israel, and to ask the world leaders to view Iran as a country which supports terrorism.

What is a Hudna – Arabic for “cease fire”

A hudna is an armistice in the broad sense of the word — non-belligerency and normalization — for a limited period of time. That is the idea behind the new initiative to put an end to the conflict.

In Moslem tradition, a hudna is a religious imperative that obligates everyone who bears arms. It is hard to violate it and it obligates members of all peoples. When the hudna expires, it can either be extended or the parties can move on to the stage of a sulha — [reconciliation] just like between two clans.

According to Darawshe’s plan, the declared hudna would have three stages:

1) A declaration of a cease-fire by President Moshe Katzav before the most senior Palestinian forum, and a statement of regret for the victims of both peoples.

2) Restoring the situation to what it was before the Intifada.

3) Negotiating the implementation of the agreements, namely, the Mitchell report recommendations and the Tenet understandings. If this last stage is not completed successfully within a year, the hudna can be extended.

This article ran in Yediot Aharonot on December 31, 2001

2001: The Blackest Year for Israel’s Ecomomy since 1953

2001 was the blackest year in the Israeli economy since the austerity year [known as the year of tzena, when there was rationing] of ’53, according to data published by the Central Bureau of Statistics. The most conspicuous sign of the deep crisis is the negative growth of 0.5% in the Israeli economy this past year.

The gloomy statistics on the extent of recession were even gloomier than previous estimates published by various experts and economists. Last year there was a negative growth in the economy: Local output declined by 0.5%, and per capita output declined by 2.9%. For comparison purposes, in the year 2000, local output had jumped by 6.4% and per capita output by 3.6%. Business output declined by 2.1%, after rising by 8.5% in 2000, according to new estimates by the CBS. During the last few months of the year, the recession deepened. In the second half of 2001, negative growth reached a disturbing rate of 5.3%. Business output declined by 6.3% as a result of the crisis in hi-tech. Per capita output declined by 7.4%. Total investments declined by 19.5%.

Last year’s growth was the lowest since ’53, when output declined by 1.4% and per capita output by 4.1%. Moreover, since ’53, there has not been an annual growth of less than 1%.

Private consumption has also entered a recession: The living standard (per capita consumption) grew by only 0.6% in contrast to 3.6% in 2000. Acquisition of cars declined by 8.1% and electrical appliances declined by 7.4%. Consumption of food and drink declined by 0.3%.

Domestic output in 2001 reached NIS 463.9 billion (USD 110.2 billion). Per capita output declined to NIS 72,000 (USD 17.1 thousand).

Another disturbing datum: Growth in Israel was the worst in the world (except for Japan).

And in contrast to pervious years, the start-up companies actually contributed to the deep recession in the economy: Without these companies, the output rose by 0.4%, in contrast to 4.4% in 2000.

Total exports declined last year by 13.1% after rising in 2000 by 24% and 12% in ’99. The steepest decline was in the output of the hi-tech branches (including the start-up) companies and in the output of the construction industry. Industrial output declined by 4.6% in 2001 (as a result of the hi-tech crisis) after jumping by 10.8% in 2000. Construction output declined by 10.5%, continuing the decline over the last few years.

Investment in the construction of residential apartments declined by 15.8% to 7.2% in 2000. This means a steep decline of 17.5% in private construction and 4% in public construction.

It should be pointed out that the 2001 data are even worse than initial estimates published in October. But the really worst news is that the experts anticipate that 2002 will also be a year of recession and economic standstill: Growth will be lower than 1% and business output will be negative. A freeze in exports, investments and the living standard of the Israeli public is also anticipated.

This article ran in Maariv on Dec, 31, 2001

Three Principles for Victory

The terror attacks of September 11 in the United States changed international reality clearly and unequivocally to Israel’s benefit.

The US established three central principles in its war against world terror:

1) Moral clarity. In his speech to the American Congress, President Bush stated that nothing justifies terror. No claim, either real or imaginary, of personal or national oppression can justify the use of terror. Terror is a deliberate strike against innocent civilians and is always a heinous act. There are no good terrorists and bad terrorists – they are all bad. Like Nazism, terror is an absolute evil that must be fought. This determination is of immense significance because it denies terrorists their major defense – the wavering response of their victims, who are exposed to incessant propaganda that terror fundamentally is justified, and that they must therefore submit to its demands.

2) Strategic clarity. The United States established that the main way to fight terror is to fight the regimes that are behind terror organizations, and not necessarily to concentrate the efforts on the terrorists themselves. After all, the terrorists do not float in space. They operate in immune areas run by certain regimes. Take away the support of these regimes, and the international terror structures will collapse. The United States is toppling the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, and al-Qaida is crumbling in its wake. It is now threatening Syria in the same way to stop Hizbullah operations, and so it will also act against other terror regimes.

3) The importance of victory. The United States views a military defeat of terrorism as the correct way to overcome it. This is not a trivial observation, because there is a school of thought that contends that terror is the result of the despair that the terrorists feel, and that the real way to fight terror is to replace this despair with hope. However, the United States maintains today the exact opposite: The way to fight terrorism is to sow despair among its ranks, to obliterate any hope on the part of its operators and activists that they will ever achieve their goals by means of terror. In the war against terrorism, victory generates victory, discourages the self-confidence of potential terrorists, and thins their ranks.

And so, the “fundamental reason” for terror is the totalitarian mentality of those who use it: Their belief that they are permitted to violate every moral norm to achieve the political or racial goal for which they are fighting. And thus totalitarianism and terrorism have been linked from Lenin’s time, through Hitler to the ayatollahs. Everything is permissible in the name of the sacred goal, including blowing up children, burning civilians, destroying skyscrapers and, if necessary, the annihilation of entire cities. This is also the reason why in innumerable genuine battles for national liberation and human rights that have been conducted by people with a democratic orientation, such as in the case of the French underground against the Nazis or the battles of the Afro-Americans for equality in the United States, terror has never been used.

And now the United States comes along and says: There is no point and no benefit in any attempt to soften, to persuade or to lobby such totalitarian mentalities. The only thing to do is to fight them – to the bitter end.

These three principles have great significance for us:

Moral clarity says that nothing justifies the Palestinian terror directed against us. This terror is nothing but a tool to achieve the Arabs’ intention to destroy Israel, which is the real reason for the ongoing conflict. It is what has motivated them to attack us time and again, before there were “refugees” and “territories,” and also after they were offered Judea, Samaria and Gaza and half of Jerusalem in Camp David. When we repulse Palestinian terror, justice, all justice, is on our side.

Strategic clarity says that the way to fight Palestinian terror is first of all to fight the regime that stands behind it. Only when Arafat feels that his regime is about to fall, as was the case recently, only then does he do something to rein in terror. This, of course, is tactical containment, and only temporary.

In order to eradicate terror from the world, or at least to reduce it to being negligible, Arafat’s regime must be eliminated. Only so will the Palestinian leaders who succeed him realize that there is a painful price to pay for their assaults against us (the Palestinian victims in themselves are of no interest to Arafat). Only thus will Israeli deterrence be restored.

I do not know what the government of Afghanistan will be like after the Taliban in another two or three years, but there is one thing that I am confident about – it will do everything in its power to prevent terror attacks from its territory, otherwise, it too will be replaced. The same principle should guide us in our attitude toward the Palestinians.

The realization of the importance of victory says that we must not stop halfway, but persist to the stage of victory. The United States was warned that if it bombed Afghanistan, hundreds of thousands of Moslems would rebel and tens of thousands of Moslems warriors would rush to Afghanistan. The exact opposite happened. Just like the US overcame considerations of “coalition” to achieve victory in Afghanistan (and in other places soon), we too must overcome our misplaced fear about the United States’ attitude toward us.

September 11 caused an enormous shift in American public opinion. This is a moral people who will not tolerate double standards. The American public, its representatives in Congress and even its President, will understand very well that if the United States can topple regimes that dispatch terror from thousands of kilometers away, Israel has the right to do the same to a terror regime that dispatches terror from a distance of only a few meters from the centers of its cities.

With this in the backdrop, it is obvious that the negotiations being conducted by the foreign minister, with the consent of the prime minister, to establish a Palestinian state headed by Arafat, is a grievous error. Such negotiations send a message to the Palestinians that not only is there no price for terror, but rather they are ensured a great prize – a sovereign bastion of terror in the heart of the country. Not only are we not removing Arafat, we are giving him, in our consent to the idea of a “state,” all the sovereign authorities of a state (such as control of the borders and control of air space) that are implicit in this term and which give it the power to destroy Israel.

After eliminating the terror organizations and replacing the Palestinian leadership with a leadership that gives up the right of return and the other components of annihilation, a future agreement may be possible in which the Palestinians are given authorities for self-rule, but without those authorities and powers that have the potential to threaten our existence.

This article ran in Maariv on December 28, 2001

Israel Communist Party: Legitimate to Attack IDF troops

A tempest erupted in the Knesset in the wake of a bill introduced by the Hadash faction, saying that the armed struggle by Palestinians against IDF soldiers in the territories should be considered legitimate action and not terrorist activity.

The bill, which was introduced in the Knesset yesterday, was initiated by MK Issam Mahoul. It was also signed by faction members Tamar Gozansky and Mohammed Barakeh. According to the bill, the Law to Prevent Terror will be changed so that a “terrorist” is defined only as someone who carries out acts of violence that target civilians, or threatens to use arms for mass annihilation. In contrast to this, Hadash faction members propose that actions against the Israeli occupation, i.e., against IDF soldiers, be recognized as legitimate and not as acts of terror.

MK Tamar Gozansky explained last night that the UN Convention as well as a series of international conventions, recognize the right of nations to fight against occupation, and that a struggle against armies of occupation is considered a national struggle for rights. She said that Palestinian resistance against occupation should also be recognized as legitimate activity, just like that of the Jewish underground during the period of the British mandate, and that a distinction should be drawn between that and attacking civilians. “Every time the IDF plants bombs, shoots and bombards, they say it is a military action. But when the Palestinians fight against the Israeli occupation army, they say it’s terror. We have to define exactly what terror is.”

Communications Minister Ruby Rivlin (Likud) responded: “The Hadash faction has crossed the line. It is accusing Israel and the IDF of terrorist actions against the Palestinians.”

MK Uri Ariel (National Union-Yisrael Beiteinu): “Tamar Gozansky and her friends are actually proposing that IDF soldiers be attacked and murdered. They don’t belong in the Knesset. Shocking is an understatement in the light of such abandon. There is a deep moral perverseness here.”

This article ran in Maariv on December 31, 2001