It’s time for Israel to stop playing by the rules while its enemies play for keeps

Ori Shifrin

As the war against Hamas in Gaza drags into its second year and international hostility toward the Jewish state continues to intensify, Israel must face an unavoidable truth: For decades, it has voluntarily limited its existential war against Palestinian attempts to wipe it out by self-imposed moral constraints. These constraints—designed to win favor with the global community and maintain a sense of ethical superiority—have not yielded strategic dividends. Instead, they have led to painful losses, squandered leverage and emboldened its enemies.

Israel must adopt a new strategic doctrine—one grounded in realism and not performance, in deterrence and not self-congratulation.

For decades, Israel has operated under a self-imposed doctrine of restraint. It has aimed to be “more moral” than its enemies—avoiding civilian casualties at the cost of its soldiers, releasing mass murderers in lopsided prisoner swaps, refraining from annexing land even when militarily victorious and granting privileges to terrorists in prison. The goal: to prove its ethical superiority to a world that never asked it to.

This military doctrine is entirely self-generated because Israelis want to prove that “we are not like them.” Being liked might have a necessary strategy to Jewish survival when it depended on non-Jewish largesse, but it is a bad strategy for an independent, self-respecting and increasingly self-reliant state.

Being morally superior has not brought peace. It has not earned goodwill. It has not prevented charges of war crimes. Instead, it has made Israel look weak, hesitant and unsure of its own legitimacy. Hatred of Israel has only increased.

Even worse, this moral posturing has not only been outward-facing. It has become a psychological affliction within Israel itself. Among many Israelis, there is a pervasive self-image of moral superiority—a compulsive need to believe that Israel occupies the high ground. This internal virtue-signaling, while comforting to the Israeli soul, is dangerously corrosive to national security.

Would any Israeli parent willingly sacrifice their child in order to spare a Palestinian civilian? The answer is self-evident. And yet, doing so is part of Israel’s military doctrine when soldiers are sent to clear buildings that could be better cleared by bombs or when terrorists are not hit because of the possibility of collateral “civilian” damage. War is not about moral symbolism; it is about victory.

Israel’s goal should not be to be seen as “good guys.” It should be seen as too expensive and painful to attack.

Killing terrorists is necessary, but it is not sufficient. The strategic elimination of enemy combatants has rarely deterred the next generation from taking up arms. In fact, martyrdom has often fueled the ranks of jihadist movements.

What does work? Humiliation and permanent loss.

Terrorists must be made to understand that their actions will not only fail but also result in personal disgrace and irreversible consequences for their communities.

Public humiliation upon capture and denial of burial rights designed to open the gates of heaven might do more to shatter recruitment than a thousand targeted strikes.

There must also be consequences for the communities that support terrorism. Attacks against Israeli civilians should result in the loss of territory. Not temporary checkpoints. Not administrative detentions. Permanent annexation. If a terrorist kills an Israeli, his entire village should be evacuated and absorbed into Israel. The residents must be expelled—not as a punishment but as a declaration of the principle that those who harbor terror lose land.

This approach is long overdue in Gaza. For years, Israelis have heard the threat, “One rocket from Gaza, and we’ll take it back.” But that threat was never enforced. Instead, Gaza became an autonomous Palestinian terror state, armed to the teeth with Iranian rockets, tunneling under Israeli homes and indoctrinating genocidal incitement in its youth. Israel has had the military capability to retake and resettle Gaza for years. It has simply not wanted to be “occupiers.”

That must change. Israel must reclaim Gaza—militarily, administratively and demographically. The idea that Israel owes water, electricity and food to an entity that seeks its destruction is both absurd and suicidal. Israel must annex what was once Jewish land and make clear that this territory will never again be used as a launchpad for terror. When you attack Israel, you lose land. Simple.

The same logic applies in Judea and Samaria. Areas A and B must be placed under strict construction oversight. Area C must be secured for Jewish development. All foreign-funded Arab construction projects designed to create facts on the ground should be halted. NGOs, including Jewish ones, that function as hostile actors mapping Jewish homes, lobbying international bodies and spreading libels must be shut down. These are not civil society groups; they are battlefield agents of the enemy.

Bien pensant Israelis will gag on this. Thousands of Israelis regularly demonstrate against the moral costs of “occupation” without admitting that the alternative is the destruction of Israel. These people are preening and performing for approval. They must grow up.

International backlash is also inevitable. But the backlash is already here. The International Criminal Court is already preparing arrest warrants for Israeli leaders. European countries and Canada, along with the United Nations, are already moving toward unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state. Western universities are already filled with chants of intifada. Israeli restraint has not worked.

Israel must get tough, not out of cruelty, but out of clarity. Not to match the barbarism of its enemies, but to defeat it.

The wars against Palestinian exterminationism and for public opinion will not be won with press conferences, interfaith dialogue and hasbara. They will be won when the enemies of Israel believe that the cost of attacking the Jewish state is too high to bear.

It is long past time for Israel to stop playing by the rules of the Marquis of Queensbury when its enemies are playing by those of the Marquis de Sade.

Joshua Katzen is the publisher of Jewish News Syndicate. The views expressed are his own and not of the organization.

A Muslim Teacher’s Journey to Understanding Israel and the Jewish People

Growing up in Garissa, a predominantly Muslim region of Kenya, my earliest understanding of Jewish history came from Islamic sources—the Qur’an and Hadith. These texts, read through a traditional lens, often cast Jews in a negative light. Yet, over time, I began to study deeper and more broadly—historically, spiritually, and politically. What I discovered challenged many assumptions I had grown up with.

As a Muslim, I believe in the pursuit of truth and justice. And that journey has led me to a profound respect for the Jewish people, their resilience, and their rightful connection to the Land of Israel.

Forgotten History: Jews in Arabia

Many Muslims are unaware—or choose to forget—that long before Islam, Jewish communities flourished in the Arabian Peninsula. Hadith literature acknowledges Jewish tribes as farmers, craftsmen, and well-owners in Medina and its surroundings. These were not outsiders but indigenous Semitic peoples, like Arabs. Sadly, history also tells us that these communities were later massacred or expelled as Islamic rule expanded.

Yet, the relationship wasn’t always hostile. One telling example is the Day of Ashura. When the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) arrived in Medina, he found the Jews fasting. Upon asking why, they replied that it commemorated the day Moses led the Israelites out of Egypt. The Prophet responded by honoring the practice and even recommended Muslims observe the day as well—showing reverence for a shared prophetic history.

Questioning the Denial of Israel’s Right to Exist

Given this shared history, it is deeply troubling that so many Islamic nations today not only deny the Jewish people’s connection to their ancestral land, but actively work to delegitimize the State of Israel. Over 50 Muslim-majority countries either refuse diplomatic recognition, support hostile rhetoric, or in some cases, back armed resistance against Israel’s very existence.

What is Israel doing that so many of these nations are not? Is it defending itself too strongly? Or is its mere survival as a Jewish state seen as a provocation?

This leads me to an uncomfortable truth: the hatred toward Israel often stems less from solidarity with Palestinians and more from a deeper unwillingness to accept Jewish sovereignty in the Middle East.

Who Truly Failed the Palestinians?

I am not without empathy for the Palestinian people. But I believe their greatest betrayal did not come from Israel, but from the very Arab nations that claim to champion their cause.

When Israel declared independence in 1948, it accepted a two-state solution. But Arab countries launched a war to eliminate the Jewish state. When they lost, the displaced Arabs—who later became known as Palestinians—were refused integration by their fellow Arabs. They were confined to refugee camps in Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan, denied citizenship and rights for generations, all so they could be used as symbols of grievance.

I believe peace will only come when we, in the Muslim world, are honest about history and stop demonizing Israel simply because it is Jewish.

Compare this to Palestinians who moved to the West—many have become citizens, elected officials, and respected members of society. The difference is clear: one path seeks peace and progress; the other clings to victimhood and vengeance.

A Call for Justice and Understanding

I do not write this to provoke, but to invite reflection. I remain a committed Muslim. But my faith teaches me to be just—even to those I disagree with. And justice demands that we acknowledge the truth: the Jewish people are indigenous to the Land of Israel. They are not colonial settlers. They are not foreign invaders. They are returning home.

I believe peace will only come when we, in the Muslim world, are honest about history and stop demonizing Israel simply because it is Jewish. That means standing up against hate, acknowledging Jewish suffering and rights, and seeking real dialogue—not perpetual war.

To my fellow Muslims: we can support Palestinian rights without denying Jewish ones. We can pursue justice without fueling hatred. And we can, God willing, be part of a future where our two peoples—descendants of Abraham—can live in mutual respect.

Israeli Troops find Hamas /PIJ missile launcher in British military cemetery in Gaza

Please see article re Troops find missile launcher in British military cemetery in Gaza https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/412910

By checking the photograph in the article https://2.a7.org/files/pictures/781×439/1196160.jpg  it is without a shadow of doubt part of the Commonwealth War Graves Cemetery in Gaza Strip as depicted by the headstones.

The photo is an IDF one and it clearly shows Hamas or PIJ have deliberately desecrated the graves of the soldiers who fought in WWI.

See https://www.cwgc.org/visit-us/find-cemeteries-memorials/cemetery-details/71701/gaza-war-cemetery/

The headstones shown on the CWGC site are identical to those in the article web site mentioned at the top.

Why has there been no condemnation by HM Government or CWGC of this blatant desecration of sanctified ground

Federal Investigators Compile Evidence of Systematic Hamas Aid Theft, Undercutting Leaked USAID ‘Report’

The chief oversight body responsible for tracking American foreign assistance is compiling evidence that Hamas systematically steals U.N. aid in Gaza, including by placing terrorist operatives into U.N. facilities, and conducting active investigations into the issue, undercutting a recently leaked U.S. Agency for International Development “report” that found no evidence of such theft.

The investigations center on occasions in which Hamas “commandeered U.N. aid trucks,” embedded terrorist operatives in “U.N. agencies or at U.N. facilities,” and ensured humanitarian goods were “directly delivered to Hamas officials,” senior U.S. officials and congressional staffers briefed on the issue told the Washington Free Beacon. The USAID inspector general’s office has obtained evidence of those practices and is investigating “credible allegations of Hamas interference, diversion, and theft of humanitarian aid in Gaza,” according to a memo on the inspector general’s “Gaza-related oversight work” that was transmitted to Congress and obtained by the Free Beacon.

Though the Trump administration dissolved USAID itself earlier this year, USAID’s inspector general’s office is an independent entity that Congress established in 1980 to provide oversight of U.S. foreign aid programs. That office remains in place as its investigators probe “diversion, fraud, product substitution, smuggling, and other misconduct compromising lifesaving humanitarian assistance intended for civilians in Gaza,” the memo states.

Those probes—and the evidence of widespread Hamas aid theft informing them—stand in stark contrast to an internal USAID “report” that was leaked to Reuters in late July. It found “no evidence of systematic theft by the Palestinian militant group Hamas of U.S.-funded humanitarian supplies,” the outlet reported.

That report was not conducted by USAID’s inspector general but rather by career USAID staffers, who “completed” it in late June, days before the Trump administration formally shut down the agency. The staffers based their report on official information from U.N. agencies, senior U.S. officials familiar with it told the Free Beacon. The inspector general probes, by contrast, are based on information from a variety of sources that include “aid workers and other whistleblowers on the ground who may not feel comfortable reporting through their employers’ reporting chain due to fear of retaliation,” according to a source familiar with the office’s operations.

One former investigator in the inspector general’s office said he “directly observed” how Hamas manipulates aid channels in Gaza, including “multiple cases where aid was clearly not reaching its intended targets, and in many cases, being diverted to hostile actors.”

The inspector general has opened at least four active audits into USAID’s mismanagement in Gaza.

One probe centers on USAID’s inability to “vet, screen, and prevent terrorist organizations or individuals engaged in terrorist activity from working for USAID-funded implementing partners or receiving other forms of USAID-funded assistance,” according to the July 30 internal memo. A second is probing “whether USAID had processes in place for assessing, mitigating, and monitoring selected fraud risks in cash assistance awards to NGOs in the West Bank and Gaza.”

The inspector general’s office has additionally been working to prevent “UNRWA staff associated with Hamas from circulating to other U.S. government-funded aid organizations.” It found evidence “connecting three current or formal UNRWA employees to the October 7 terror attacks and affiliating 14 other current or former UNRWA employees with Hamas.” It was unable, however, to confirm that UNRWA fired those employees. Though the U.N. provided a report on the matter to the inspector general’s office, the report “redacted the names of subjects, rendering the report unusable,” the office said in an April investigative summary.

The inspector general is also reviewing additional evidence that Hamas launched mortars at aid delivery sites, fired grenades at aid workers, and opened gunfire on crowds of Gazan civilians seeking food, according to those briefed on the matter.

A spokesman for the inspector general’s office confirmed the investigations and told the Free Beacon it will “continue to partner with the Department of Justice to hold accountable organizations and individuals that divert—or fail to report the diversion of—taxpayer-funded humanitarian aid intended for those in need.” A senior State Department official, meanwhile, said the “available intelligence” uncovered through those probes confirms that a “significant portion” of U.N. aid in Gaza is “diverted, looted, stolen, or ‘self-distributed'” by Hamas.

“There is endless video evidence of Hamas looting, not to mention members of the aid-industrial complex who have admitted that looting exists by reporting it as ‘self-distribution,’ in a poor attempt at an aid corruption coverup,” the official said. “There has been widespread violence and chaos at U.N. aid sites and border crossings—which has received shockingly little mainstream media coverage because it does not fit the international aid complex narrative.”

A senior GOP congressional staffer responsible for tracking foreign assistance confirmed that offices on Capitol Hill have been briefed on the inspector general’s latest findings and are reviewing the initial evidence.

The State Department’s assessment is aligned with sources on the ground in Gaza who spoke to the Free Beacon in July, detailing first-hand accounts of Hamas hijacking U.N. aid trucks, stealing supplies, and reselling them on the black market. At least 12 percent of all U.N. employees in Gaza are members of Hamas or other terrorist organizations, according to Israeli intelligence. U.N. truck drivers often coordinate their shipments with Hamas in exchange for a cut of the aid, one Gazan researcher who has investigated the U.N. aid system for an international nonprofit group told the Free Beacon.

“The drivers of these trucks alert Hamas before they enter with aid,” said the researcher, Saed. “They hand over a portion to Hamas and also take some for themselves and their people.”

Hamas’s grip on aid distribution has prompted many Gazans to join or work with the terror outfit because “they need aid, they need employment,” added 35-year-old graphic designer Mohammad, who lived in several locations throughout Gaza during the war before relocating to Cairo.

“Hamas controls everything in Gaza,” he told the Free Beacon. “If you’re not Hamas, you can’t get anything.”

Weaponizing Starvation: Exposing Hamas’s Food Warfare

The Israeli Consulate’s ad campaign in New York City’s Times Square. (X/@IsraelinNewYork/Screenshot)

The New York Times’ July 30th admission of misreporting and correction of its July 25th front-page photograph of Mohammed Zakaria al-Mutawaq – an 18-month-old Palestinian child disfigured and suffering from cerebral palsy and genetic disorders, misrepresented by The Times as a starvation victim – reflects more than an egregious journalistic failure.1 It serves as the latest example of years of coordinated information warfare against Israel, transforming humanitarian concerns into strategic weapons in the “eighth front” campaign to delegitimize, isolate, and subvert the one democratic, Jewish majority state.

Iran’s Hamas proxy operatives have used disinformation warfare to win world opinion, defame Israel globally, and subvert it from within. The current Hamas-led, Iran and Qatar-backed media crusade accusing Israel of premeditated, systematic starvation of Gaza has successfully hijacked Western hearts and minds, increasingly isolating Israel internationally. Simple fact-checking would reveal the United Nations’ failure to deliver massive amounts of humanitarian aid that Israel has facilitated. Data from the UN Office for Project Services (UNOPS) indicated that approximately 87% (1,753 out of 2,013) of aid trucks entering Gaza between May 19 and July 29 did not reach their intended destinations, with the aid being taken either “peacefully by hungry people or forcefully by armed actors.”2 This data reveals Hamas’s weaponization of starvation narratives by manipulation of imagery and legal frameworks to achieve strategic objectives that conventional warfare cannot accomplish.3

From Blockade to Blood Libel: The Strategic Evolution

Hamas’s deceptive methods were detectable in their June 2007 bloody takeover of Gaza, when Israel implemented defensive measures against a territory that came to be controlled by an internationally designated terrorist organization. Initially framed as “collective punishment” by human rights organizations, Israel’s security responses were rebranded by Hamas and PLO-affiliated organizations as preventing humanitarian aid, mirroring Russian information warfare tactics.

In 2012, Gisha, a far-left Israeli human rights organization advocating for Palestinians, misrepresented an Israeli government assessment that calculated the minimum caloric needs per person in Gaza to prevent malnutrition during Israel’s 2008 blockade. Gisha twisted Israel’s humanitarian intent, instead framing it as a deliberate Israeli starvation policy and collective punishment.4 Though its purpose was to ensure Palestinians’ humanitarian needs, the document only intensified accusations of genocidal intent, shaping global narratives.5 By 2024, International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor Karim Khan cited “starvation” as a method of warfare as the centerpiece charge against Israeli leadership – the first time in ICC history this accusation became central to prosecution, revealing its successful legal weaponization.6

Hamas’s Dual Strategy: Starving Hostages While Manufacturing Crisis

Hamas employs a dual strategy that mobilizes international opprobrium of Israel for allegedly blocking aid and causing a humanitarian crisis while simultaneously denying Hamas’s responsibility as the dominant power for Gaza’s dire humanitarian situation. Hamas deliberately starves Israeli hostages, maximizing pressure on hostage families to force Israel to quit Gaza by withdrawing from the territory and acceding to its draconian conditions for a cease-fire.

In short, Hamas fuels humanitarian crises in Gaza while redirecting international outrage against Israel. Recent Western media corrections have exposed systematic patterns of Hamas manipulation that extend far beyond editorial failures. The recent New York Times “starving child” photo typifies these techniques: imagery of suffering children, deliberate omission of pre-existing medical conditions, and framing that crops out healthy family members to support predetermined narratives. Multiple documented cases of manipulated images show children with cystic fibrosis, cerebral palsy, and cancer misrepresented as starvation victims, their conditions used to generate anti-Israel sentiment.7 Similarly, the BBC reported that “14,000 babies will die in 48 hours” based on an exaggeration by Tom Fletcher, a UN humanitarian chief, which was later revealed to reference potential yearly projections, not immediate deaths, once again demonstrating false urgency and a projection of bad intent on the part of Israel.8

The Reality Behind the Narrative

The contradiction between false claims and verifiable reality becomes stark when examining actual aid delivery data. According to COGAT, Israel’s coordinating civilian agency in the West Bank and Gaza, more than 90,000 trucks containing 1.8 million tons of supplies entered Gaza between October 2023 and June 2025 – sufficient to provide over 3,000 calories per person daily, exceeding international humanitarian standards of 2,100 calories.9 As noted, UN bodies have even acknowledged systematic aid manipulation that undermines humanitarian efforts, maintaining the starvation narrative.

In addition, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has reported Hamas placing bounties on American and Palestinian aid workers, resulting in 12 local staff deaths, revealing the systematic intimidation designed to ensure narrative control.10 Hamas doesn’t merely steal aid – it orchestrates humanitarian theater whereby Israel is vilified for crises that Hamas creates or exacerbates.

Trump Administration Rejects Political Warfare

U.S. President Donald Trump and Special Envoy Steve Witkoff have rejected Hamas’s political warfare campaign. After visiting Gaza distribution sites in July 2025, Witkoff asserted that “there is hardship and shortage, but no starvation” and that “once we refute this Hamas claim, we can continue negotiations to end the war and bring back all the hostages.”11 President Trump stated, “Hamas didn’t want to make a deal. I think they want to die, and it’s very, very bad.”12 Trump also defied international pressure to establish a Palestinian state in the Judean hills overlooking Ben Gurion Airport declaring that “you could make the case that … you’re rewarding Hamas if you do that, and I don’t think they should be rewarded.”13 This is a significant shift from the prevailing acceptance of Hamas’s narrative, challenging information warfare that has successfully isolated Israel diplomatically across Western capitals.

The Eighth Front: Information Warfare

Information warfare constitutes Israel’s “eighth front” – potentially more critical than traditional military theaters. Iranian intelligence services have developed sophisticated information warfare capabilities reaching over 100 million people globally during conflicts, applying Russian information warfare methods against Western democracies.14 In this version of hybrid warfare, “virality can trump veracity.” The strategic objective isn’t merely propaganda but systematic erosion of Israel’s capacity to defend itself by itself, which has constituted the bedrock of Israel’s defense and national security policy since 1967.

Hamas’s political warfare campaign has been effective. France, Great Britain, and Canada have all moved toward recognizing Palestinian statehood – a virtual platinum prize for Hamas’s Islamist terror, and a diplomatic offensive that disincentivizes Hamas from agreeing to any compromise deal with Israel that would return the hostages. It also legitimizes Hamas as the leader of the Palestinian street, replacing the Palestinian Authority. This international momentum is built on Hamas’s manufactured starvation narratives and perception warfare.

Israel Fires Back

Israel has begun to fire back. Israeli Ambassador to the United States Dr. Yechiel Leiter exposed Hamas’s strategies to influence a mainstream American audience, pushing back against claims that Israel is preventing aid distribution in Gaza, according to a recent CNN interview.15 Israeli Consul General in New York Ophir Akunis launched an electronic billboard campaign in Times Square, displaying images and video of emaciated Israeli hostages after 491 days in captivity with the message, “Stop the Fake news in Gaza. This is what real hunger looks like. This is what truth looks like. Israeli hostage Evyatar David, held in Hamas terror dungeons for some 670 days since the October 7th invasion, is being starved by a Nazi terrorist organization that dares, with the backing of parts of the media, to spread the blood libel that Israel is starving the people of Gaza.”16

Traditional Israeli public diplomacy – explaining (“hasbara”) to skeptical audiences – is inadequate against sophisticated perception warfare campaigns. The challenge requires what Israeli strategists call “toda’a” (perception, or consciousness) – a proactive narrative that also reveals Hamas’s strategic manipulations.

Recognizing Islamic Warfare Disguised as Western Humanitarianism

Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and their supporters’ weaponization of starvation against Israel, have proved an effective information warfare campaign that exploits humanitarian crises to advance jihadi strategic objectives. This plays well among Western audiences. From global condemnation of Israel’s 2007 counter-terror blockade to charges of genocide in 2005, systematic psychological operations have been used to delegitimize Israel’s right to defend itself.

Understanding this pattern enables a more effective response. The stakes extend beyond Israel: success in weaponizing humanitarian law against democratic states establishes precedents that threaten the Western alliance. Recognizing this crusade as a weapon of Islamic warfare is the first step toward developing effective countermeasures against Hamas and Islamic Jihad’s eight-front campaign to uproot Israel’s international legitimacy, while triggering Israeli domestic debate, division, and ultimately Israel’s implosion. That is why it’s essential to expose this global deception and disinformation crusade that has hijacked Western hearts and minds. This is a critical moment for moral and strategic clarity; Israel must now prosecute its own fact-based information war to delegitimize Hamas’s starvation of its own public, and its fake starvation libel of Israel. Instead, Israel and its U.S. ally must now declare the truth of Israel’s and the United States’ lead role in delivering humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza.

https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2025-07-30/ty-article/.premium/nyt-clarifies-malnourished-gaza-child-has-pre-existing-medical-condition-still-starving/00000198-5ac1-d669-a99d-7ef77aa60000??

https://www.foxnews.com/world/israel-faces-blame-hunger-crisis-gaza-uns-own-data-shows-most-its-aid-looted??

Gaza: Evidence points to Israel’s continued use of starvation to inflict genocide against Palestinians  

https://gisha.org/en/red-lines-presentation-released-after-3-5-year-legal-battle/??

https://www.haaretz.com/2012-10-17/ty-article/how-israel-made-sure-gaza-didnt-starve/0000017f-e5a5-d804-ad7f-f5ff7e7b0000;
https://imemc.org/article/64537/??

Israel Under Fire – Anatomy of a UN Crime against Humanity

When Images Mislead: The Facts Behind 2 Viral Gaza Cases

https://honestreporting.com/14000-babies-will-die-how-the-un-invented-a-blood-libel-and-the-media-ran-with-it/??

https://www.jns.org/1-8-million-tons-of-supplies-delivered-to-gaza-since-war-began/??

https://www.foxnews.com/world/terror-gaza-hamas-offers-bounties-kill-us-local-aid-workers-group-says??

https://www.thejc.com/news/israel/us-envoy-witkoff-no-starvation-gaza-vi1u0i5e??

https://www.politico.com/news/2025/07/25/trump-hamas-00476977??

https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/israel-hamas-gaza-news-07-29-25#:~:text=He%20echoed%20comments%20from%20Israel’s,camp%2C%20to%20be%20honest.%E2%80%9D??

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/03/technology/israel-hamas-information-war.html??

https://edition.cnn.com/2025/07/29/world/video/israeli-ambassador-gaza-starvation-digvid??

https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/412763??

 

Antisemitism Permeates an Entire School District in Philadelphia

Just when antisemitic protests seem to be quieting down on university campuses, we now learn that antisemitism pervades the entire Philadelphia school district:

 

While American universities have faced unprecedented scrutiny (and DOJ ire) for antisemitism, the nation’s public schools are also gaining attention for anti-Jewish harassment.

A recent civil rights lawsuit against the Philadelphia School District reveals antisemitic rot that runs just as deep in one of the largest public-school systems in the country.

 

Unfortunately, setting a trial date was long delayed due to the district’s blatant disregard for the actions that were taking place. The same article linked above writes that Philadelphia educator Heather Mizrachi finally sued the district for their lack of response.

According to the filing, she was targeted by colleagues and ignored by school leadership after raising concerns about antisemitic displays and harassment following the horrific attacks.

 

The lawsuit says that for months on end, Mizrachi was subjected to social media posts from her co-workers calling for the destruction of the State of Israel and the Jewish people. They equated Jews and Israelis to white supremacists, referred to Israel as a ‘terrorist state,’ and cheered on the violent Hamas attacks, according to the filing.

Meanwhile, the district made little effort to mitigate the situation. Mizrachi’s complaints were ignored, discounted, or ridiculed. Nor can the school district claim that she’s one lone complainer, for others also reported a problem:

A group called the School District of Philadelphia Jewish Family Association made similar allegations in a complaint to the education department under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits discrimination based on shared ancestry.

After that complaint was filed, a group of pro-Palestinian teachers called Philly Educators for Palestine said that while any incidents of discrimination should be addressed, it’s not antisemitic to criticize Israel or advocate for Palestinians. The group said the complaint was an attempt to silence teachers and students and a distraction from “the carnage being inflicted upon Palestinians in Gaza by Israel.”

This response from the pro-Palestinian group is not atypical; these groups often make a tepid effort to criticize discrimination. Notably, the Civil Rights complaints don’t allege that anyone criticized Israel. They all allege that Jews were attacked because they are Jewish and Israel is the world’s only Jewish state. Also, as a matter of logic, to claim, after the barbarism of October 7, that it is perfectly acceptable to defend the Palestinians as virtuous, and to label Israel’s actions as barbarism, is beyond the pale.

What the antisemites in Philadelphia’s education system are doing is not random. They are well-organized. Teachers and administrators joined together to harass Jewish students and staff, while efforts to remedy the situation ranged from pathetic to non-existent:

 

The SDP itself has approved or sponsored a series of anti-Semitic events, including ‘walkouts’ that isolate Jewish students and disrupt their educational experience, as well as faculty lecture series and ‘Teach-Ins’ where ‘Zionists’ are called ‘exterminators.’ Parents have regularly reported a host of troubling incidents affecting their children to the administration, but the SDP has done nothing to address, much less curtail, the hostile environment that has plagued the school district since October 7. At most, misguided administrators have attempted to ‘resolve’ problems involving teachers by moving Jewish students into new classes, which serves only to normalize anti-Semitism throughout the SDP.

The system was so egregious that even the Biden administration felt compelled to step up, even if only in pro forma fashion. In December 2024, the Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights issued a complaint against the school district, which led to a voluntary resolution (i.e., no litigation):

A federal investigation has determined that the Philadelphia school district has not adequately addressed incidents of antisemitism and other examples of ‘harassment based on shared ancestry’ that occurred in and around schools recently.

In a resolution agreement with the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights stemming from a complaint filed by some parents and Jewish organizations in May, the district agreed to publicly declare its intolerance of harassment and discrimination on its website, post a statement in every school, and review and revise its anti-harassment policies by Jan. 9.

The district must also send the revised policies to all school administrators, who must ‘distribute, convene, and discuss the revised policies and procedures with site-based staff.’ It must also train staff annually, and provide age-appropriate training and information on racial and ethnic discrimination to all students in grades 6-12.

The DOE complaint sounds pretty comprehensive, doesn’t it? The district, however, responded in the usual generic fashion, insisting that it cares about everyone and, of course, it wants all its students to be safe—a claim at odds with the complaints against it:

In response, officials issued a statement saying the district ‘strives to create welcoming and inclusive environments that allow our students to feel safe and heard. The District takes all complaints of bullying, harassment, and discrimination seriously, including allegations of Antisemitism and Islamophobia.’

The statement continues, ‘OCR has recognized areas where the District has shown its commitment to this important work and also identified areas needing additional attention and improvement. The voluntary resolution agreement outlines ways in which the District will continue to improve upon its processes.’

Despite the school district’s carefully scripted statement of its good intentions and proposed new direction, the feedback from the Office of Civil Rights tells a different story:

OCR has Title VI compliance concerns, however, that the District has not demonstrated its fulfillment of its Title VI obligations to evaluate whether a hostile environment existed based on the information about which it had notice and if so that it took steps reasonably designed to eliminate any such hostile environment and prevent its recurrence. For example, the District produced no information reflecting its evaluation of whether a hostile environment resulted for Jewish students when a teacher (Teacher 1) stood on stage at a school assembly, criticized a District choice – responsive to concerns raised with the District that that assembly’s planned content could create a hostile environment for Jewish students – not to hold an earlier scheduled assembly, and asked the student audience ‘was it really the quote-unquote antisemitism that made you uncomfortable or was it the truth?’

In other words, the voluntary resolution between OCR and the district was a complete waste of time. Teachers, students, and staff all realized that no one was serious about dealing with the problem. Despite the complaints following October 7, the perpetrators continued their behavior. Thus, the “voluntary resolution” by the district was just short of being a farce.

Ultimately, there were no consequences for antisemitic behavior within the district; no one was penalized or held accountable in any way that was documented. Judging by appearances, the district was complicit in these activities.

Fortunately, a federal judge is permitting the case to go to trial in December 2025.

Maybe there will finally be some consequences.

BR: Ismael Jimenez, the Director of the Social Studies Curriculum for the School District of Philadelphia and openly declares that he is waging “intellectual warfare” on behalf of the Global Jihad & promoting Jew hatred on his X account. He is one of the main SDP employees responsible for the toxic woke indoctrination using the Marxist ‘oppressed vs the oppressor’   playbook which is being taxpayer funded under the guise of education:

“…In a democracy, one party or side seldom gets all it wants. And if the system is correctly structured, as the founders strived to do with the American system of government, there are checks and balances. The legislature, the executive, and the judiciary check each other’s powers (and the legislature itself is divided into two chambers).

Not so in Marx’s “oppressor and oppressed” view. There you end up with a “revolutionary reconstitution,” which Marx himself promised would be ruthless. “This cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads,” he averred in the manifesto.

A few months later, Marx wrote, more ominously, “There is only one way in which the murderous death agonies of the old society and the bloody birth throes of the new society can be shortened, simplified and concentrated, and that way is revolutionary terror.”

Blood will run—it’s a feature, not a bug, of Marxism.

What we are seeing right now is no longer economic Marxism, but cultural Marxism…”

https://www.heritage.org/progressivism/commentary/the-root-cause-the-insanity-college-campuses-older-you-may-think

Jimenez needs to be fired and removed immediately!

Ismael Jimenez
@Teacherishx
Intellectual Warfare
Joined March 2013
 

#########

BR: Canary Mission Profile of. Ishmael Jimenez -Director of the Social Studies Curriculum for the School District of Philadelphia since 2022

“When we look at [Hamas terror attacks on October 7th… this didn’t happen out of the blue, right? This is generations, right, of folks who have feel like their voices’ been denied.”
Excerpt:

Overview

Ismael Jimenez is a Philadelphia public school official who expressed support for Hamasterrorism, denied Hamas war crimes and spread hatred of Israel and America. He also glorified a domestic terrorist by placing a poster of her on his office door.

As of August 2024, Jimenez’s LinkedIn profile said he had been working as the director of social studies curriculum for the School District of Philadelphia (SDP) since August 2022. He also said that he had been an adjunct professor at the University of Pennsylvania (Penn) since January 2022.

Jimenez and the SDP were at the center of an anti-Semitism scandal in 2023 and 2024, which included the SDP offering an anti-Israel professional training course to teachers. The full controversy is detailed further below in the profile.

Ismael Jimenez is a supporter of the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement.

As of August 2024, Jimenez’s LinkedIn said he had graduated from Temple University (Temple) with a master’s degree in secondary education and teaching in 2009, and that he was located in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania…

Full posting here:

https://canarymission.org/individual/Ismael_Jimenez

What Have We Not Yet Grasped About the Strategic Implications of Gaza’s Underground Challenge

The long duration of the campaign in the Gaza Strip, the difficulty in achieving a decisive outcome, and the immense scale of Israeli forces involved—all stem directly from the unique underground challenge in this arena. This has significant implications, not only for the current state of the war in the Gaza Strip but also for the situation that will emerge after the war.

Fighting Hamas in the Gaza Strip—Past and Present 

It is widely acknowledged that the IDF’s lack of preparedness for the underground challenge in the Gaza Strip was one of its most significant failures before and during the war that broke out on October 7, 2023. Israel’s campaign targeting Hamas’s tunnel network and infrastructure during Operation Guardian of the Walls in May 2021 ultimately proved far less effective than initially celebrated. In response to Hamas’s offensive tunnels into Israeli territory, Israel constructed a subterranean wall along the border at an immense cost—yet this did not prevent Hamas’s above-ground attack. The IDF did not prepare for conquering the Gaza Strip, nor for confronting Hamas’s defensive underground tunnels—the core of the organization’s military doctrine. The tactics and means the IDF did prepare did not withstand the test.

At the onset of the war, the length of Gaza’s “underground” is estimated to have been 500–600 kilometers. It connected all of Hamas’s military installations, headquarters, and facilities throughout the Gaza Strip. It linked them with thousands of shafts that led to combat positions inside buildings in urban areas, as well as to positions used for launching rockets at Israel. Due to the dangers involved in clearing the tunnels, the process is slow, and their destruction requires massive quantities of explosives and other specialized means. The IDF remains far from completing the task of clearing and destroying the entire network. All this is well known.

This brings us to the strategic implications of Gaza’s underground phenomenon. Let us begin by clarifying the difference between Gaza and other arenas where the IDF has operated against guerrilla forces and guerrilla armies. The unique conditions of the Gaza Strip in this context are also well known: its soft sandstone allows for relatively easy subterranean digging, in contrast to the hard limestone terrain in Lebanon and the West Bank. As a result, the IDF’s operations in these areas have had a very different character.

In Lebanon, Hezbollah’s use of subterranean infrastructure was substantially more limited. Hezbollah dug offensive tunnels into Israel (mostly destroyed in December 2018–January 2019) and embedded missile warehouses, ammunition depots, production workshops, and top command posts in carved-out underground sites. Its tactical positions and supply and troop assembly points, both inside and outside villages in southern Lebanon, were often also dug into rock. However, beyond these tactical positions, most of Hezbollah’s “strategic” subterranean systems were limited in location and scope, and were largely known to Israeli intelligence. As a result, when the offensive phase of the campaign against Hezbollah began in September 2024, the Israeli Air Force destroyed most of these systems within hours, days, and a few weeks. Similarly, Hezbollah’s tactical command echelons were comprehensively eliminated either at their operational posts or while moving above ground. During the year of attrition warfare that preceded the full-scale Israeli offensive in the north, IDF special forces operated to expose and destroy Hezbollah bunkers and tunnels in southern Lebanon. However, once the campaign intensified, the role of the ground forces was mostly confined to clearing the areas along the border. Thus, in the Lebanese arena, a decisive victory was achieved relatively quickly, primarily through the combination of air power and intelligence, against an adversary widely regarded as stronger and more dangerous than Hamas.

Indeed, the prolonged campaign in the Gaza Strip, now approaching two years, stems decisively from the challenge of the underground domain. Beyond the issue of the hostages, which significantly restricts IDF operations, the vast underground space in the Gaza Strip enables Hamas to shelter, hide, and disappear. From there, small guerrilla units of the organization emerge from concealed shafts embedded within the built or ruined urban landscape, set up ambushes, launch RPG rockets, and deploy or attach explosive devices. Despite all the experience and skills the IDF has acquired on the subject, there is currently no simple, practical way to neutralize this mode of warfare. Moreover, not only the prolonged nature of the fighting in the Gaza Strip reflects the challenge but also the difficulty in achieving a decisive outcome and the massive scale of forces required—including both regular and reserve brigades and divisions. These stem directly from the limited ability to contend with the subterranean threat. Lacking an effective solution, the IDF is left with little choice but to flood the area with a large number of forces and advance slowly and methodically as the default course of action.

Thus, the long duration of the campaign in the Gaza Strip, the difficulty in achieving a decisive outcome, and the immense scale of forces involved all stem directly from the underground challenge.

The underground is a major component of the low-signature, asymmetric warfare employed by irregular forces in their fight against superior state militaries. The Viet Cong were the first to use subterranean networks extensively against the United States, which struggled to find an effective response. However, the Viet Cong’s tunnel system was likely only half the length of Gaza’s and ran mainly through uninhabited jungle terrain and not dense urban areas. In this sense, Gaza’s network is unique in both scale and implications—not only compared to Lebanon and the West Bank, but also globally. This includes recent American theaters of war such as Afghanistan (against al-Qaeda and the Taliban) and Iraq and Syria (against ISIS). In all these cases, underground systems and tunneling were used, but they were far more limited.

Soil composition is part of the explanation for the differences between these theaters and that of Gaza. But the difference also relates to their vast expanses and the relative sparsity of forces within them—compared to Gaza’s dense environment. The other theaters did not allow irregular forces seeking to control them to rely on underground networks. Moreover, due to the Gaza Strip’s proximity to Israel, its subterranean network also serves as infrastructure for rocket production and fire at Israel and as a base for ground attacks into Israeli territory—a reality found nowhere else in the world in counterinsurgency warfare. Gaza’s underground therefore presents a unique and nearly unprecedented challenge.

Looking Ahead Post-War

This fundamental reality has significant implications not only for the current state of the war in the Gaza Strip but also for the post-war situation. Again, the common comparison to other theaters of war in this context must be examined.

In Lebanon, Hezbollah represents just one of four Lebanese sects, the majority of which want its defeat and weakening. Hezbollah’s commitment to fighting Israel is also far lower than that of Hamas. And finally, as has become clear, Hezbollah is highly vulnerable to IDF strikes, especially intelligence-guided air strikes.

Now to the situation in Judea and Samaria. During Operation Defensive Shield in 2002, the IDF regained control of the area within weeks and at relatively low cost. However, it took another two years before terrorism from the region was completely suppressed and the Second Intifada came to an end. As a result, the Palestinian Authority under Abu Mazen began cooperating significantly—although partially and in a limited manner—with Israel in combating terrorist activities in the area, mainly by Hamas. In this framework, the IDF has carried out effective operations involving rapid, intelligence-directed incursions by both undercover and regular forces into terrorist strongholds, which they surround, arrest, or eliminate.

The situation in the Gaza Strip is fundamentally different. After Israel withdraws from the area, vast segments of Hamas’s subterranean networks are likely to remain intact. Moreover, new tunnels will almost certainly be dug. These networks will pose a continued challenge to the outposts the IDF is building in the security buffer zone along and inside the Gaza border to protect Israeli communities around Gaza, and might even enable raids on the communities themselves. Although not necessarily on the scale of October 7, such incursions would still represent an ever-present security threat. The fierce fighting in recent weeks around the underground system in Beit Hanoun, right on the border, is a living reminder of this.

Most importantly, the remnants of Hamas’s vast underground network that will be rebuilt, even if partially, as well as new branches that will be dug, will continue to serve Hamas in concealing its fighters, headquarters, warehouses, and reconstructed missile workshops throughout the Gaza Strip. The problem for the IDF is how to detect and locate these forces and facilities in the subterranean spaces. Meanwhile, the rocket threat will also resume—for both harassment and deterrence.

This is the difference between the Gaza arena and those of Lebanon and the West Bank, which are often cited as supposedly relevant analogies. A post-war Palestinian government in the Gaza Strip that is not Hamas—whether the Palestinian Authority or a “technocratic government”—is highly desirable for Israel for many reasons. However, such a government’s ability to militarily confront Hamas—even to the extent currently seen in the West Bank—does not really exist, and the subterranean factor compounds the challenge significantly. Israeli airstrikes and ground raids will face similar obstacles to those now seen in the Gaza Strip—and even more so once Hamas regains strength—requiring large-scale campaigns and battles.

All these factors must be considered in any discussion about ending the war in the Gaza Strip and implementing an Israeli withdrawal.

What might improve the situation from Israel’s perspective? The presence of active, real-time human intelligence on the ground, which deteriorated significantly during Hamas’s rule in Gaza, could reduce some of the uncertainties surrounding the underground. Equally important are major advancements in the development, production, and procurement of means to confront the subterranean threat, alongside the creation of units specializing in this task—areas that were not sufficiently emphasized before the war. Within this framework, technological breakthroughs in robotics and sensors hold particular importance. Still, without all these—and perhaps even with them—the underground will remain the most consequential factor shaping the limitations of warfare in the Gaza Strip and sustaining Hamas’s control of the area. Anyone who hopes for a fundamental change in the Gazan reality—one involving deep cultural, ideological, and social transformations, a multi-generational endeavor, to be sure—must take this into account.

The opinions expressed in INSS publications are the authors’ alone.

Images of Gaza show the reality of urban warfare, not genocide

We have all seen pictures and videos of large-scale destruction in Gaza since the war began. The level of devastation has again hit the headlines after photos were taken from above by journalists on board the recent Jordanian humanitarian air-drops. I’ve seen it from the ground myself and the demolition is indeed truly horrifying; in places there is nothing other than piles of rubble where buildings once stood, as far as the eye can see. But this ruination should be no surprise to those who understand the way Hamas turned the whole of Gaza into a military redoubt disguised as a civilian population centre.

If you see pictures following any urban battle you will observe widespread destruction of buildings after opposing forces have fought a bloody fight to gain dominance. If there is greater devastation in Gaza than on some other battlegrounds, it can be understood by Hamas’s contemptible way of fighting. First, the tunnel network. Tunnels have featured in armed combat for hundreds of years. But nothing before has come close to Hamas’s utilisation of the 400 miles of tunnels it dug over 16 years as its primary military infrastructure, shielded beneath populated areas. The inter-connected network includes tunnels just beneath the surface and down to a depth of more than 200 feet. They are used for battle manoeuvre, weapons storage, command posts and living quarters.

The IDF estimates that Hamas excavated over 5,000 shafts to enter and leave the tunnels. Many of these were in ordinary houses, hospitals, schools, mosques and other buildings. To destroy tunnels or deny terrorists their use, it has often been necessary to blow up their exits and entrances. Many tunnel entrances have been booby-trapped with explosives, as have other sections of the tunnels, often concealed in the walls. Many IDF soldiers have been killed by them while entering or fighting through the tunnels.

As well as the tunnels, vast numbers of buildings of all types in Gaza have been used by Hamas as arms dumps, including in houses and apartments. In some areas every house, every other house or every third house contains weapons and explosives. I have seen boxes of grenades beneath children’s beds, rocket launchers in kitchen cupboards and rifles stashed underneath piles of clothing. So rather than blow up the buildings, why can the IDF not simply raid the houses and seize the weapons? Because it is estimated that some 40 per cent of buildings in Gaza were also booby-trapped to kill soldiers doing exactly that, and quite a few have died. The same applies to troops entering buildings to deal with terrorists within.

The IDF reports that of the total of 250,000 structures in Gaza, some 100,000 have been rigged with explosives. Many of these booby-traps are covered by covert cameras so they can be remotely detonated when the troops approach. An IDF soldier’s life is worth no less than anyone else’s, and destruction of a building is preferable to unnecessary death. Back in the 1980s, in Belfast during the Troubles, we discovered a house that was similarly booby-trapped by the IRA, with multiple concealed devices intended to kill soldiers and police. In that case, we also decided, rather than risk the lives of our bomb disposal experts, we would use explosives to do the job.

On top of all this, sometimes IDF precision strikes against a specific building have triggered secondary blasts as the shock-waves radiate outward and detonate Hamas explosive and missile stores, bringing down adjacent buildings as well. In other cases, an attack against a section of tunnel causes more extensive collapse, undermining the foundations of buildings above.

Many don’t want to accept that all of this devastation is by Hamas’s deliberate design. They transformed Gaza into an engine of war, harnessing the entire population, every building, every inch of land, along with much of the vast quantity of international aid poured in to help their people. Just as they blame Israel for the civilian death and hunger they themselves brought about, they also blame Israel for the physical destruction. They know this tactic works only too well, bringing international condemnation of Israel from governments, international bodies, human rights groups and the media. Those who are naive enough to walk into their trap simply validate Hamas’s horrific methods and ensure that, given the chance, they will be used repeatedly in the future.

From “Arafat Tapes” To Hollywood: Exposé On Palestinian Incitement Fuels Paramount Movie Deal

Investigative footage collected by the Centre for Near East Policy Research (CNEPR) on Palestinian Authority incitement is becoming the basis for a forthcoming Paramount Pictures documentary exposing the private education system that helped pave the way for the October 7 Hamas massacre.

CNEPR first captured what became known as the “Arafat Tapes”, secret video recordings of Yasser Arafat’s speeches in 1993 that contradicted his public peace messaging. The tapes were later presented to the Knesset and U.S. Congress, undermining narratives that painted Arafat and the PLO as peace advocates.

Since then, the center has produced 26 films documenting violent Palestinian Authority school curricula, including classes in UNRWA facilities in Judea, Samaria, Jerusalem, and Gaza. The films vividly display lessons openly celebrating martyrdom, antisemitism, and jihad. Despite their relevance, Israel’s major television networks declined to broadcast the material.

Paramount representatives approached the center this year seeking to license the footage for use in a feature documentary about Palestinian indoctrination. Studio officials confirmed plans to produce a movie built around the existing material, tapping into CNEPR’s trove of investigative journalism spanning three decades.

David Bedein, CNEPR director, noted the imperial significance of the agreement: “Paramount will now produce their movie on Palestinian indoctrination to a war of terror, based on footage from our movies.”

The upcoming film underscores how central the Palestinian Authority’s educational ecosystem has been in perpetuating a narrative of conflict. The material offers powerful proof that extremist messaging is not limited to fringe media but is embedded within official school syllabi and youth camps.

For a pro-Israel and Zionist audience, the project fulfills a long-standing gap: exposing the real-time roots of Palestinian hostility that preceded the October 7 terror campaign. By bringing these images and testimonies to international audiences, the film aims to shift the debate from blame on Israel to the structures of indoctrination within Palestinian society.


Significance
This documentary marks one of the rare occasions when mainstream Hollywood engages substantively with material critical of the Palestinian Authority. It also validates journalistic efforts by Israeli experts to counter misinformation and historical revisionism.

By endorsing accountability at educational sites in Gaza and the West Bank, Paramount’s move signals growing recognition within the global film industry of Israel’s security concerns and the importance of confronting ideological warfare.

Communities seeking to screen Europe’s Arafat tapes or CNEPR documentary shorts can now anticipate expanded distribution and influence from a major studio release.


This article is based on verified information from the Centre for Near East Policy Research and Israel Behind The News.

The PLO And the Genesis of the Palestinian Authority: The Inside Story

April 8,2003

This week, a senior official of the Vatican provided the Israel Resource News Agency with the finalized Arabic version of the Palestinian State Constitution, which has been framed by the official constitutional committee of the Palestinian National Authority. This committee had been funded by the Ford Foundation as a framework for the long-awaited reform in the Palestinian Authority.

This constitution was finalized and dated on March 26, 2003. Some salient points of the 43-page document of the Palestinian constitution include:

Islam is to be the official religion of the Palestinian state, with all aspects of Palestinian state law to be subservient to fundamental Islamic law, modeled on Saudi Arabian law. No other religion except for Islam is to have juridical status. All religious schools and religious institutions of Christianity and other religions are under the supervision of the Islamic Law. The PLO concept of a “democratic secular state” appears nowhere in the document. Sources in the Vatican have expressed their deep concern about the prospect that Christian schools and Christian institutions would be thrown under the jurisdiction and arbitrary control of a Muslim authority. Meanwhile, there is no system of human rights or civil liberties mentioned anywhere in the Palestinian State constitution.

The “right of return to homes from 1948” remains a fundamental right protected by the Palestinian state constitution, based on the PLO interpretation of UN General Assembly resolution #194. By “protecting” the right of return, the Palestinian state constitution essentially advocates the replacement of the state of Israel with millions of Palestinian Arab refugees and their descendants who have been wallowing in United Nations Arab refugee camps since 1949.

Official sources in the Palestinian Authority, the U.S. government, and the Israeli governments confirmed to the Israel Resource News Agency that the White House, the U.S. Secretary of State, the Israel Office of the Prime Minister, and the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs have received official copies of the Palestinian state constitution. However, the U.S. and Israeli governments have not bothered to translate and share this sensitive document with either the U.S. Congress or the Israeli Knesset.

Neither the U.S. government nor the Israeli government are speaking about the document.