Former Oct. 7 hostage reveals savage ‘birthday gift’ from Hamas

Omer Wenkert has broken his silence over the abuse and torture he experienced during his 505 days in Hamas captivity.

When Hamas started infiltrating southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, Wenkert sought safety in a shelter which was soon discovered.

“I heard ‘Allahu Akbar,’ the pin of a grenade being pulled, and then—boom. Three grenades exploded inside the shelter,” Wenkert recalled to Channel 12 News.

In the chaos that followed, Wenkert witnessed people burned alive and made the desperate decision to shield himself with dead bodies. A young woman, whose name he doesn’t know, saved his life by grabbing a grenade and throwing it back outside.

Eventually, Wenkert decided, “My parents don’t deserve to receive my burnt body. I refuse to die like this.”

When he emerged from the shelter, a group of terrorists were waiting.

“We’re not shooting. Come here,” one terrorist told him.

Wenkert was bound and loaded onto a pickup truck. Upon entering Gaza, a mob beat him brutally. Conscious of his situation, he made sure to look at cameras, hoping evidence of his survival would reach the outside world.

Almost immediately, Wenkert was taken underground into the vast labyrinth of Hamas tunnels under Gaza. Initially held with Thai hostages and fellow Israeli Liam Or, their daily rations consisted of three dates in the morning, half a pita at night, and half a liter of water shared between two people.

To maintain his sanity, Wenkert spoke aloud to himself for two hours each day. When his birthday came, his “present” was being brutally beaten with an iron rod.

“I saw the dates — I was beaten that day. That was my birthday gift. That was the day I took a rod to the head. The door burst open, and the terrorist woke me with absolute frenzy and insane aggression. He humiliated me, beat me, came at me with an iron rod,” he recalled.

Again, I had made up my mind that I wouldn’t show weakness in front of them. So even as he did it, I looked him in the eyes.”

After Or’s release in November 2023, Wenkert’s situation worsened. He was moved to a one-meter-by-one-meter room. For 245 days, he endured solitary confinement, completely cut off from the outside world.

“I thought they were burying me alive,” he recollected.

His isolation finally ended when hostages Tal Shoham, Evyatar David, and Guy Gilboa-Dalal were thrown into the 23-year-old’s cell. Starved for human connection, Wenkert’s first words to them were, “I need a hug. I need human contact.”

At some point, Hamas terrorists came to booby-trap their room, warning, “If the IDF comes to rescue you, we will all die together.”

When Wenkert learned he would be released while David and Gilboa-Dalal would remain captive, he was devastated. As he was being released during a propaganda handover ceremony last month, Wenkert caught a glimpse of them smiling faintly and waving goodbye from inside a Hamas van.

“That small smile was everything,” he said.

Since returning home, Wenkert has been consumed with thoughts of those still in captivity.

“I can’t stop thinking about them. I know what they’re going through; it’s unbearable. I don’t think ‘brothers’ is a word that suffices to describe our relationship. I have a need for them right now.”

“I told them, I won’t rest for a moment until you return.”

Do Not Be Fooled By Hamas’s ‘Long-Term Ceasefire’ Ploy

  • As part of the deception, according to the IDF report, Hamas was working to convince Israel that it was interested in calm and was working for economic prosperity. The IDF investigation concluded that Hamas had planned the October 7 attack for more than 10 years.
  • Today, everyone knows that the talk about a long-term truce was nothing but a smokescreen to conceal Hamas’s real intention of launching its October 7 attack against Israel.
  • Hamas anyway is not known for honoring ceasefire agreements…. On July 26, 2014, Hamas announced a 24-hour humanitarian ceasefire at 14.00. Hamas violated its own ceasefire a short time later.
  • For Hamas, a hudna is a temporary break from war — it does not indicate a desire to end it and achieve peace. While Hamas was talking, for ten years before October 7, 2023, about its desire to reach a long-term truce, it was busy preparing for the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.
  • It is plainly uninformed to believe that Hamas would ever lay down its weapons and agree to end its jihad (holy war) against Israel.
  • The Trump administration is advised to listen to what Hamas leaders say in Arabic to their own people, and not what they tell US officials during secret meetings in Qatar. Earlier this month, for instance, senior Hamas official Sami Abu Zuhri, speaking in Arabic, reassured his people that his group rejects demands by Israel and the US to disarm…
  • A ceasefire deal will allow Hamas to remain in power and prepare more massacres against Israel. The only solution for the current crisis is for Hamas to disarm, cede control over the Gaza Strip and leave the Palestinian arena.

    Adam Boehler, the US Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs, stated on March 9 that he did not rule out the possibility of reaching a long-term truce between Israel and the Iran-backed Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in the Gaza Strip. He also did not rule out the possibility that Hamas would agree to lay down its weapons, saying:

    “I think there’s an answer here, and I think the answer is that Hamas lays down their arms. We exchange prisoners, and they [Hamas] go into a long-term truce, where they don’t fight, they’re not part of any political party, and that gives us lots of cooling-off time.”

    Boehler’s statements came after the American media outlet Axios revealed that the Trump administration has been holding direct talks with Hamas over the release of US hostages held in the Gaza Strip and the possibility of a broader deal to end the war, which erupted on October 7, 2023 when thousands of Hamas terrorists and ordinary Palestinians invaded Israel, murdered some 1,200 Israelis and wounded thousands others. Another 251 people were kidnapped to the Gaza Strip. Fifty-nine hostages are still being held by Hamas, half of whom may no longer be alive.

    While the Trump administration deserves enormous appreciation for its sincere efforts to secure the release of the Israeli and American hostages, it must be careful not to allow itself to be duped by Hamas.

    For many years, Israel believed that Hamas was not interested in an all-out war with Israel and was working for economic prosperity in the Gaza Strip. Recently, when the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) published the results of an investigation into the October 7 massacre, they showed how Hamas managed to deceive Israel into thinking that the terrorist group was not interested in another round of fighting. As part of the deception, according to the IDF report, Hamas was working to convince Israel that it was interested in calm and was working for economic prosperity. The IDF investigation concluded that Hamas had planned the October 7 attack for more than 10 years.

    Hamas’s deception included sending messages to Israel indicating interest in a long-term truce. According to one report:

    “Hamas recently sent a series of messages to Israel indicating interest in a long-term ceasefire lasting for several years… Senior Hamas officials met with Western diplomats about the ceasefire, and also reached a number of understandings about the character of the ceasefire, also known as tahdiyya [calm].”

    In 2018, Egypt was reported to be finalizing details of a long-term truce deal between Israel and Hamas. An Egyptian security source was quoted as saying that “the period of calm will be for one year, during which contacts will be held to extend it for another four years.”

    Today, everyone knows that the talk about a long-term truce was nothing but a smokescreen to conceal Hamas’s real intention of launching its October 7 attack against Israel.

    Hamas anyway is not known for honoring ceasefire agreements. During the past 15 years, several truces reached between Hamas and Israel collapsed after the terrorist group violated them, including by test-firing rockets toward the sea, including those with a notably long range. On July 15, 2014, Israel accepted a ceasefire initiated by Egypt and stopped all fire. However, Hamas terrorists then fired more than 50 rockets at Israeli communities. On July 17, Israel agreed to a five-hour humanitarian ceasefire. Hamas rejected it and fired rockets, including at the city of Beersheba. On July 20, Israel approved a two-hour medical and humanitarian window in the area of Shejaiya in the Gaza Strip, following an International Committee of the Red Cross request. Forty minutes after the ceasefire went into effect, Hamas violated it. Nevertheless, Israel implemented the ceasefire, even extending it for two more hours. On July 26, 2014, Hamas announced a 24-hour humanitarian ceasefire at 14.00. Hamas violated its own ceasefire a short time later.

    Some Westerners mistakenly think that Hamas’s talk about a hudna (armistice or truce) implies that the terrorist group seeks peace with Israel. Yet, hudna has another meaning for many Muslims, particularly extremists. The roots of hudna can be traced back to the Treaty of Hudaybiyya in 628 CE, a pivotal agreement between prophet Mohammed and the Quraysh tribe of Mecca. This treaty allowed Muslims to perform pilgrimage to Mecca and established a truce between the two parties for 10 years. Over the following two years, however, Mohammed rearmed, broke the hudna and launched a full conquest of Mecca.

    For Hamas, a hudna is a temporary break from war — it does not indicate a desire to end it and achieve peace. While Hamas was talking, for ten years before October 7, 2023, about its desire to reach a long-term truce, it was busy preparing for the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.

    It is plainly uninformed to believe that Hamas would ever lay down its weapons and agree to end its jihad (holy war) against Israel.

    The Trump administration is advised to listen to what Hamas leaders say in Arabic to their own people, and not what they tell US officials during secret meetings in Qatar. Earlier this month, for instance, senior Hamas official Sami Abu Zuhri, speaking in Arabic, reassured his people that his group rejects demands by Israel and the US to disarm, emphasizing:

    “The right to resistance is nonnegotiable. The weapons of the resistance are a red line, and we won’t exchange it for reconstruction [of the Gaza Strip] and humanitarian aid.”

    The assumption that a long-term ceasefire would lead to “cooling-off time” is misguided. As in the past, Hamas and other Palestinian terrorist groups will exploit any period of calm to rearm, regroup and resupply.

    In the past, Hamas leaders also met with Western officials, but that did not prevent them from pursuing their jihad against Israel. In the past, some Hamas officials also mentioned the possibility of reaching a long-term truce with Israel, but that feint did not stop the terrorist group from firing rockets toward Israeli towns and cities or preparing the October 7 massacre.

    A ceasefire deal will allow Hamas to remain in power and prepare more massacres against Israel. The only solution for the current crisis is for Hamas to disarm, cede control over the Gaza Strip and leave the Palestinian arena.

    Khaled Abu Toameh is an award-winning journalist based in Jerusalem.

Adam Boehler’s Palestinian colleague, Bashar Masri

Please review documentation of the Bashar Masri connection to terror singer Mohammad assaf.- who happens to be Masri’s son in law

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/inside-rawabi-a-new-west-bank-city-built-by-bashar-masri-for-palestinians-60-minutes-2019-12-08

Sixty Minutes received and ignored our short movie which portrayed Mohammad Assaf’s terror message at the same concert sponsored by  Bashar  Masria

 

Alan Dershowitz Sends Chilling Warning To The Jewish Nation

Alan Dershowitz Sends Chilling Warning To The Jewish Nation

Yishai Fleisher is the International Spokesperson for the Jewish community of Hebron. He is also Contributing Editor at JewishPress.com and a broadcaster on the LandofIsrael.com. Yishai is a frequent columnist for major English language news and analysis websites in Israel including Breitbart Jerusalem, Jerusalem Post, Israel HaYom, and more. Yishai holds a JD from Cardozo Law and rabbinic ordination from Kollel Agudat Achim. Yishai served as a Paratrooper in the IDF and continues to participate in an elite battlefield reserve unit.

Dore Gold z”l. A special moment

Dr. Dore Gold died last week at the age of 71.

Dore, an American immigrant to Israel, rose to the top, becoming a top advisor to the Prime Minister, Director of the Israel Foreign Ministry, Israel ambassador to the UN, and Israel ambassador to the US. Dore’s last position was as the head of the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs

When I first opened up my office in 1987,Dore went out of his way to introduce me to his colleagues at Tel Aviv University, for which I was forever appreciative.

Soon after that, my mother. a pundit in her own right, ran a feature about Dore for the Magazine of PNAI, Parents of North American Israelis.

Dore’s mother. a fellow member of PNAI made a point to mention a story which reflected on what Dore Gold was all about.

Dore had finished Columbia with honors, after which he received a $500 gratuity from the school in honor of his excellence in academic achievement.

Dore asked for a meeting with the Columbia University librarian , where he presented the library with a gift of that same $500 and ask that the school iibuy texts that would be appropriate to the scholarly interests of Jewish students who might study at Columbia.

Dore’s Mom observed that Dore wanted to drive home the point that most distressed him; the dearth of books for Jewish students when Dore began his studies at Columbia.

The librarian promptly escorted Dore to a tour of book stores, to select books for the next generation of students at Columbia.

Dore’s passing comes at the precise time when the US Government has cut federal funding to the Columbia, citing Columbia’s “continued inaction in the face of persistent harassment of Jewish students.”

May Dore’s memory be blessed.

 

100 days into his role, Tel Aviv’s Anu Museum CEO Oded Revivi looks to keep his institution relevant

The old Beit Hatfutsot, literally “the House of the Diasporas,” on Tel Aviv University’s campus was a museum focused on the past, on how and where Jews lived before the founding of the State of Israel. It was also a dark place, literally, and one that fewer and fewer people wanted to visit.

“Beit Hatfutsot was built with a specific vision, with a specific idea. Somebody even put it in a very bold manner. They said to me, ‘The idea behind Beit Hatfutsot was to build an exhibit of the different communities in the Diaspora, with the idea that all the Jews need to make aliyah, and they will have here some sort of memorial place, where they can come and see what it was like in their communities in the past,” Oded Revivi, the recently hired CEO of the Beit Hatfutsot’s successor, Anu Museum of the Jewish People, told eJewishPhilanthropy last week.

In 2005, the Knesset passed a law recognizing the museum as a national institution — similar to Yad Vashem and the National Library of Israel — and around the same time, the museum’s stakeholders decided it was time for a change.

They developed a new plan and started work to reimagine the museum. In 2012, the museum’s board hired Dan Tadmor as CEO to spearhead the total overhaul of the institution, changing its name to Anu Museum of the Jewish People, renovating the building and updating its ethos, from one primarily fixed on the past to one that highlights the present, not only how Jews once lived around the world but how they live there today.

The museum reopened its doors in 2020, and now, five years later, Revivi — who is reaching his 100th day in office — is tasked with developing a strategic vision to take the institution into the future. Revivi does not come from the museum world or even, professionally, from the Jewish peoplehood field — though he does have many personal connections to Diaspora Jewry. For more than 15 years, Revivi was mayor of the Jerusalem suburb settlement of Efrat, known for representing the more liberal and progressive face of the settler movement, championing LGBT rights and Israeli-Palestinian cooperation.

To understand his vision for the museum and how it will grapple with the immediate challenges facing the institution amid diminished Israel travel, as well as larger issues facing the Jewish people, eJewishPhilanthropy sat down with Revivi for a wide-ranging interview in his office in the basement of the museum.

The interview has been lightly edited for clarity.

Judah Ari Gross: So how’s it going so far? 

Oded Revivi: That will be in Hebrew. Me’ein olam haba. [A vision of the world to come]. That’s my official online and offline answer.

When you apply for a new job — which I haven’t done very frequently so I don’t know but I can only guess — you don’t really know what holds behind the title and what it really is. And once I’ve come into this museum, I’ve discovered that it is much more than a museum. It’s a completely different topic of activity than what I am used to [doing]. At least I thought it was going to be a completely different topic. I just corrected myself in that respect because all of a sudden I find myself hosting delegations here who come because of what they’ve heard about the museum and we go into discussions about reality in Israel, challenges of the Israeli people, relationship between Israel and the Diaspora.

It is a fascinating place. I don’t know when you’re going to publish your piece but we’re coming close to my first hundred days in the office and it’s just an endless place to learn and to know about what we’re doing here and also probably what we need to do.

JAG: So what do you need to do? As you said, Anu tries to be more than just a museum that you come and walk through and look at the exhibits. What are you looking to do with the museum? What is the museum already doing that you want to help it accomplish better? What’s the goal for it moving forward?

OR: So it is no secret that Beit Hatfutsot went through a transition from Beit Hatfutsot to Anu. And for that process, the previous CEO, Dan Tadmor, did an amazing job. He took a museum that hardly anybody walked into. It was a dying dinosaur. But it had one asset, a specific legislation that only two other institutions in Israel benefit from — one is Yad Vashem and the other one is the National Library, and Beit Hatfutsot was the third one. He took Beit Hatfutsot from a place that hardly anybody walked in and created this amazing technological museum that some say is the number one in the level of technology presenting its displays. And bringing to a figure of almost half a million visitors every year, if we eliminate war and the COVID-19 pandemic.

JAG: Which is hard to do. The museum has basically only been open for COVID-19 and war.

OR: Absolutely right. We opened the day before the COVID started. We had some time without COVID, and then the war started. So that’s how we can get up to half a million visitors a year, those are the figures that we showed.

But with the challenge of COVID-19 and the war, there was definitely a request presented by the board to create a new vision for this place. Now, when you go down to write a new vision, you’re not really standing opposite the white board and writing whatever you want. You look backwards to what was written in the past and part of the vision is actually written in the legislation. Part of the vision was written by [Jewish partisan leader and writer] Abba Kovner who was one of the founders. And part of the vision was written as things developed.

For the last 10 years, the vision was to rebuild the museum. And that’s why really the board said “Now that we’ve completed the rebuilding, the rebranding of the museum, let’s see what’s the next stage.”

So for that we’re actually in a process with the team, with the chairwoman of the board, Irina Nevzlin, to try and figure out in writing what is the new vision. And when that will be completed, then it will also be able to be presented. And that’s why this is a long answer to maybe a short question. I can tell you that the guidelines that I received from the board is to write a new vision. I can say to you that the guidelines that I received were that they would like to see Anu becoming an even more dominant place.

When I came here and I said that in the interview [for the position], I said I would like to see every dignitary who comes to Israel, like they go to Yad Vashem, like they go to the Kotel, that they come and visit the Anu Museum. Why? Because the Anu Museum displays a completely different chapter or a different approach of [Jewish] history that needs to be presented. And if it is so important to take every head of state, every dignitary to see Yad Vashem, it is just as important to bring them here. I wasn’t aware, as somebody who grew up in Jerusalem, who lives in Efrat, that hardly anybody comes to Tel Aviv. Apparently all the important people, they just come to Jerusalem. So you have a challenge, how do you put in their itinerary an activity taking place in Tel Aviv.

If we’re talking about making Anu in a more dominant place, I can give you ideas where we are at the moment. We are in some sort of discussion with at least two Jewish museums around the world. One of them is closed, one of them hasn’t closed yet. And both of them are saying we would like to be a branch of the Anu Museum. So if I become a chain of museums, that’s really putting me in a more dominant place.

There is a beginning of a process of turning this museum into completely digital. What does that mean? It means that if you live in the furthest place from Israel and you haven’t had a chance yet to visit the museum, we’ll be able to provide you a digital tour in the museum that you’ll have the experience of almost being here. And we are exploring maybe even having with one of the universities a master’s degree in Jewish peoplehood. So those are the types of things that we are exploring.

JAG: Are there other areas that you’re looking to, that you’re sort of exploring? Producing content, producing movies or documentaries.

OR: There are definitely different ideas. At the end of the day, it’s also a matter of raising funds for it. We’ve got a range of different backgrounds of donors, and they come from different fields of professionalism. We had a talk with somebody three weeks ago about creating games for the Anu Museum. Why? Because he sees his grandchildren with all the games and he says, “I want them to engage through gaming.” So will that develop into something physical or not? Time will tell. We’re open for suggestions and exploring in every direction, bearing in mind that the charter of the museum is to strengthen the connection of the Jewish people, wherever they are in the world, to their Judaism. And that’s what we’re trying to do.

JAG: There are constantly discussions about what is Jewish peoplehood, what is Jewish peoplehood versus Zionism, versus other ideologies that are out there. What do you believe is the role of Jewish people who today don’t live in the State of Israel? What’s their connection to the story of the Jewish people and to the museum?

OR: So here I will specify that what I’m answering here is my personal opinion. I’m not a spokesperson of the museum.

When we have a terror attack in one of the Jewish communities around the world, you hear Israeli government ministers coming out with a statement, “This is a lesson. All the Jews in that specific city need to come on a plane yesterday and make aliyah.” That comes from a place of not understanding what it means to be a Jew in the Diaspora, not understanding that the people who live there actually have a life, not understanding that they have families, they have workplaces, and not everybody can make aliyah.

As a kid, I was twice on shlichut with my parents. It gave me quite a good sense of what it means to be a Jew in the Diaspora. My father worked all his life for Jewish organizations. I don’t remember one Friday night that we didn’t have guests from abroad, from different types of communities, different backgrounds, and Judaism was always discussed on the Shabbat meal table.

JAG: Where did you do shlichut

OR: Once in Englewood, N.J., and once in London. And then I did my law degree in England, where I met my wife, who is from Manchester, and we’re still connected to the community that she grew up in, and we just visited two weeks ago. My mother-in-law lives there. She’s almost 92. And when we discuss with her making aliyah because life is becoming difficult, her answer is, “I’m not making aliyah because I have a life here.” And that’s with all the hardship that she’s going through, just because of her age and her health. So, there is a place in this world for the Diaspora. And people who don’t realize it and don’t see it, they don’t understand the whole picture of the Jewish people.

I think Oct. 7 has been a turning point for both Israelis and Jews in the Diaspora in understanding two things: One is the importance of the existence of one another. All of a sudden, we in Israel understood how important it is to have a strong American Jewry who can put pressure on a president, whether he wants to support us or doesn’t want to support us, wants to send ammunition, doesn’t want to send ammunition. If you didn’t have a strong American Jewish community, there wouldn’t be an AIPAC.

And on the other hand, I think that the Diaspora, after a long period of frustration with decisions made by the State of Israel, all of a sudden, because of the the rise in antisemitism, understood how important it is that there will be a strong Israel, that Israel will be able to look after the interests of these communities and try to see how we can benefit one another.

JAG: Speaking of those differences, the plurality of American Jews support the two-state solution. You come to this position as a former mayor of Efrat, which is a settlement. Do you see that as an issue? Has that been an area that you have to navigate? Or is that not something that’s come up? Even in Israel, there’s certainly people who may have an issue with that. Was that something that was brought up when you were applying for the position?

OR: It wasn’t brought up when I was applying for the position. It’s definitely being raised, I would say, at least once a day. OK. [He chuckled.] I can’t erase my background. Nobody can change the fact that I was the mayor of Efrat for 15.5 years. I’m proud to say that being the mayor of Efrat for 15.5 years, I’ve built myself a reputation of somebody who is keen on building bridges and not building fences.

I can mention as a fact that on Oct. 5, two days before the Oct. 7 [attacks], in my house, there was the annual gathering of Palestinian neighbors with a general from the IDF, an equivalent officer from the police and residents of Ephrat.

During my last election, the person who was running against me definitely used that against me. And I said, “Look, Oded is one who can have a dialogue with Arabs and look what happened on Oct. 7. Do you want somebody like that as a mayor?”

So I don’t really think that I have something to be embarrassed about. I think I can take it as a tool to show how I deal with different opinions and different views, apply the same method in my position here when we need to be the center of all the Jewish communities in Israel and in the Diaspora, and to try and engage with every single community.

JAG: There are also significant portions of the population in Israel and abroad that think it’s a good thing that you come from that background as well, obviously.

OR: Right. So my background, in a way, is not relevant. On the other hand, my background might be very relevant to try and attract new audiences that weren’t here before.

JAG: In terms of audiences, Israel right now is seeing very low tourism. In terms of individuals, in terms of groups, and all of the large gap year programs, which I imagine were the bread and butter of your visitors. That’s something that’s seen a significant decrease. As you are developing a new vision for the museum, are you factoring in those kinds of dips in tourism to build resilience for the museum? Through the digital version of the tour that you mentioned, for instance? 

OR: Resilience is a nice word. After Oct. 7, we actually developed a special tour with a focus on resilience. And I’m just picking on a word that you’ve included in your question and I’ll address your question in a minute, but I’ll just give you an example. We have in the exhibition of the middle of the 19th century, when people were in a dilemma: Where to go? To immigrate to the United States, to stay in Europe, to leave Judaism, to go to Israel. And one of the exhibits which is actually very loaded is a wooden suitcase that we used to convey a message for kids. What were the dilemmas of a wandering Jew? What do you actually put in the suitcase? You can’t fit everything in. And it’s a small game that you try and fit things in. Those who designed the exhibit couldn’t anticipate Oct. 7 and couldn’t anticipate the dilemma that kids and families in the north and in the south having to be evacuated from their homes had about what to put in their suitcase.

So it is an excellent example of where we take history, we bring it into current events and relevance, but also now to show the perspective of what happened 100 years ago. Maybe the same dilemmas, but since then we’ve got an independent state, we’ve got an army, we’re bigger, we’re stronger.

There is no replacement for the actual experience of coming and going through the museum. Something different. And even when you come here, if you start at the third floor and go down to the first floor or start at the 1st floor and go all the way up to the third floor, you feel a completely different experience. So we’re hoping that the lack of tourists, the lack of donors, the lack of visitors from abroad is something temporary and will end very quickly.

JAG: And how do you teach Israelis about the importance of Jewish peoplehood? 

OR: There is a challenge. When you see on an average day, the amount of students that go through the museum, you see the amount of soldiers who go through the museum, you understand that we are trying to do the best to touch as many people as possible, not to convince them, but to try to teach them the language, to try and teach them the diversity of the Jewish people. And in order to achieve that, we need funds, which is definitely a challenge when you don’t have tourists and when the donors don’t come as frequently as they used to come.

For example, in Israel it’s become popular to send kids to mechinot [pre-army preparatory programs]. I would love to get these youngsters to come and explore the museum, but these programs are very low funded. They don’t have the funds to provide for the buses to bring the youngsters here to the museum. If I could find a donor who would fund their journey to the museum, that would be amazing. So the attempt to reach more audiences and more Israelis is definitely out there.

JAG: In terms of fundraising, on the one hand there has been an increase in funding for Israel-related issues and Jewish education-related issues post-Oct. 7, and on the other, there has reportedly been a drop in funding in some other areas, such as in culture. Where does Anu fall in that?

OR: I would say that museums, art, culture are not always at the top priority of the philanthropic world, because there are always way more burning issues and more urgent issues.

JAG: But education is. 

OR: Right, so we try to find the areas where we can create attractive motives for people to donate. So as you said, education is one. Tolerance is another one. Israeli soldiers are a third one. There were quite a lot of people who were evacuated from the north and the south, and some of them lived in proximity of Tel Aviv. So we had special tools, special programs for those who were evacuated from their homes, not because we wanted to raise donations, but because we wanted to provide them with culture, and then we understood that that might be a tool to actually raise funds.

So raising donations is always challenging. In these times it’s especially challenging. But I have full trust in our team that will create programs and relevance and attraction that will also be able to raise the donations.

JAG: I wanted to ask as well, in terms of the vision for the institution, one thing that I saw recently, there was a plan that was announced recently about Anu taking part in lawsuits against Hamas. That raised an eyebrow for me. Not that it’s a bad thing, of course, but how does that fit into the museum, into its mission, its work? 

OR: So in the past, the museum really tried not to touch anything that has to do with antisemitism. Why? Because the museum wanted to focus on positive, on a good story, and to differentiate with places who only tell the story of the victim. After Oct. 7, there was a question raised, can we really not deal also with current events? Especially if we want to be the place that every Jew sees his connection to. Maybe this is also a tool that we can combine efforts of all the Jewish people together.

So it’s definitely not a project that Anu is going to file lawsuits, but it was in the vision of creating a coalition that Jews can be a part of. And that definitely stands on the agenda of the Anu Museum, How do we make sure that every Jew feels part of what’s happening here?

So at the moment it’s still in some sort of planning, thinking process, and when things will get moving, then I guess you will hear about it.

JAG: More generally, is the museum looking to take part in activism, to not just educate or reflect reality but to play a more active role? 

OR: I think the interest is [in] being relevant. Understanding that if you’re not relevant, and this building has experienced it already once, you move backwards, you get closed. We don’t want to go through the same experience again. Beit Hatfutsot was built with a specific vision, with a specific idea. Somebody even put it in a very bold manner, they said to me, “The idea behind Beit Hatfutsot was to build an exhibit of the different communities in the Diaspora, with the idea that all the Jews need to make Aliyah, and they will have here some sort of memorial place, and they can come and see what it was like in their communities in the past.”

The museum here was reopened about four years ago with the understanding that this is the most new and the most revolutionary museum in Israel. I can’t stay in the same place even for four years. I need to move forward, and I need to be relevant. How do you make yourself relevant in a reality that building new exhibitions is very expensive? You don’t have that much space to put new exhibitions because the old ones are extremely important, and you don’t want to take them down. You try to think of other ideas, so education is one thing, activism is another thing, journalism is another thing, digital is another thing. And we’re exploring all aspects to carry on being relevant.

Pro-Israel MP Mendicino’s Appointment As Chief Of Staff: A Win For Canadian Jewish Interests

In a development that has stirred debate in some circles, pro-Israel Liberal MP Marco Mendicino is reportedly slated to serve as Chief of Staff for the new Liberal Party leader, Mark Carney. This appointment has raised concerns among groups like the NCCM and CJPME, who argue that it may lead to an imbalanced political agenda. However, prominent pro-Israel voices and Jewish community advocates have dismissed these worries as politically motivated and entirely unfounded.

Mendicino, a well-known advocate for Israel within Canadian politics, has long championed policies that support strong bilateral ties with the Jewish state. His upcoming role as Chief of Staff is being viewed by many as a signal that Canada’s Liberal Party is reinforcing its commitment to defend Israel’s interests—a stance that resonates with the broader Jewish community and pro-Zionist supporters across the country.

“In an era when our alliance with Israel is more critical than ever, having a committed, knowledgeable leader in a key role only strengthens our voice in Ottawa.”

Critics from NCCM and CJPME claim that Mendicino’s appointment could skew policy-making in a way that might marginalize other concerns. Yet, supporters argue that his track record and unwavering pro-Israel stance ensure balanced, informed decision-making. “Marco Mendicino’s appointment is not a threat; it’s a promise,” said one leading community advocate. “In an era when our alliance with Israel is more critical than ever, having a committed, knowledgeable leader in a key role only strengthens our voice in Ottawa.”

Furthermore, Mendicino’s extensive experience in government and his reputation for advocating for Jewish causes have reassured many that this move will result in practical, meaningful outcomes. His appointment is expected to lead to the enhancement of policies that protect Jewish communities, both domestically and internationally, ensuring that Canada remains a steadfast ally of Israel.

For pro-Israel advocates, this political decision is a welcome boost—a clear demonstration that Canada’s leadership is aligned with the values of the Jewish community. As the new Liberal Party leader prepares to assume power, Mendicino’s role as Chief of Staff is seen as a critical asset in navigating complex international issues, including Israel’s security concerns and the fight against rising antisemitism worldwide.

In an era marked by shifting political alliances and intense scrutiny of foreign policy, the appointment of Marco Mendicino signals a strong commitment to pro-Israel principles. It is a move that not only reassures Canadian Jewish communities but also reinforces Canada’s position as a reliable partner in the global fight against antisemitism and in support of Israel’s right to exist securely and peacefully.

Mother of kidnapped hostage confronts UN: “UNRWA is the attacker, not the victim”

Samerano’s son, Yonatan, was shot, abducted, and remains in captivity in Gaza, allegedly at the hands of a UNRWA employee.

During her emotional testimony, Samerano took aim at the recent claims made by the UN’s Special Rapporteur on the Right to Adequate Housing, who stated that UNRWA was “under attack.” In response, Samerano made a stark and direct assertion: “No, UNRWA is not under attack. UNRWA is the attacker.”

The mother explained that her son had been shot during the horrific attacks on October 7th, and after being injured, he was taken by Mohammad Abu Ittiwi, an employee of UNRWA, who then handed him over to Hamas captors. Samerano’s anger and grief were palpable as she described Ittiwi’s betrayal: “A UN social worker, paid by this organization, kidnapped my son into Gaza,” she said.

The tragic incident comes amidst growing concerns about UNRWA’s potential ties to Hamas. Investigations have revealed that several UNRWA staff members were involved in the October 7th massacre, including engaging in acts of violence and taking hostages. Reports have surfaced showing that at least 12 UNRWA employees participated in the attack, prompting nations such as the United States, Canada, and Germany to suspend funding to the organization.

Despite this, the UN has continued to defend UNRWA, asserting that its humanitarian mission should not be overshadowed by these accusations. For Samerano, this defense is a slap in the face, especially as the UN continues to turn a blind eye to the agency’s ties to Hamas.

Her plea to the UN was simple but devastating: “Where is my son?” Unfortunately, no official from the UN Human Rights Council or UNRWA has responded to her question, leaving the mother of the hostage in a state of agonizing uncertainty. Samerano’s question resonates not just for her, but for all the families who have had loved ones abducted or harmed in the wake of the terrorist attacks, with the UN’s silence speaking volumes.

Clean Dealing with UNRWA – full interview

Description

David Bedein is the Director of the Center for Near East Policy Research which is dedicated to proactive, investigative research and the publication of well-documented data on the core issues of Israeli-Arab relations, in order to provide insight into the complex reality of Israel for decision makers, journalists and the general public.

To this end, the Center for Near East Policy Research commissions top-flight journalists, film makers, academics and researchers to produce investigative reports and documentary films on Israeli-Palestinian relations, the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), the media and schools of the Palestinian Authority, Palestinian Authority security force and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA), with the focus in our interview being on the latter.

How the UN turned Palestinians into permanent refugees

Three weeks ago, US president Donald Trump set the cat among the pigeons when he announced his plan to turn Gaza into a ‘Riviera in the Middle East’. At a joint press conference with Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump said America would take over Gaza, re-develop it and, most shocking of all, relocate Gaza’s 2.2million Palestinians elsewhere, perhaps to Jordan and Egypt. He followed all this up this week by sharing an AI-generated music video on his Truth Social page. It depicted a futuristic ‘Trump Gaza’, complete with golden Trump statues and bearded belly dancers.

Palestinians have responded to the White House’s plan for their future with understandable outrage. Like most other people the world over, they are fundamentally attached to the land in which they live. As one inhabitant told the Guardian, ‘We would rather die here than leave this land’.

But here’s the curious thing. The vast majority of those living in Gaza, those professing strong feelings of attachment to their homeland, are actually classified as ‘refugees’. For all the international outrage over Trump’s threat to turn Gaza’s Palestinians into a displaced people, the truth is that the vast majority are already viewed and treated as such by the UN. Indeed, the refugee status of Palestinians is one of the unique features of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

In 1948, a combination of the foundation of Israel and the Arab-Israeli war displaced around 750,000 Palestinians, turning them into refugees. Incredibly, nearly 80 years on, the number of Palestinians classified as refugees has actually increased, to nearly six million.

Compare this situation to that of the 11.4million Europeans displaced and classified as refugees after the Second World War. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was set up to deal with the crisis in 1950. By 1954, millions had been successfully resettled, and the number still classified as refugees had fallen to below 200,000.

At about the same time, at the insistence of Arab states, a second UN refugee organisation was established to deal specifically with the 750,000 Palestinian Arab refugees. It was called the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, otherwise known as UNRWA.

UNRWA was only meant to exist temporarily, while the post-1948 refugee crisis was sorted out. Yet it’s still going strong nearly 80 years later. Not only has it failed to tackle the original refugee crisis. It has also actively overseen an 800 per cent increase in the number of Palestinian refugees it is responsible for.

UNRWA has played a central role in fuelling the conflict with Israel. In 1967, it unilaterally extended the definition of refugee to include third-generation descendants. And then, in 1982, it decided to include the descendants of all male Palestinians. Under UNRWA’s unique classification rules, refugee status had become hereditary. It had effectively created a permanent and perpetually expanding population of Palestinian refugees.

This cuts against the grain of international law, which says that once a refugee acquires citizenship in a country, he or she loses his or her refugee status. But for UNRWA, citizens in other countries can still be Palestinian refugees. Indeed, according to a recent UNRWA document, most of the two million refugees in Jordan have full citizenship there.

To illustrate the absurdity of what has been happening, take the case of Mohamed Anwar Hadid. His father fled Nazareth in 1948 because he ‘did not want the family to live under the Israeli occupation’. He ended up in California where he became a property developer building luxury mansions and hotels in Beverly Hills.

You might not have heard of Hadid. But you are likely to have heard of his daughters, supermodels Gigi and Bella Hadid, both of whom are American-born citizens. Bella, who reputedly earns up to $20million a year, regularly posts anti-Israel sentiments on social media, and has been attending pro-Palestine rallies, chanting ‘From the river to the sea’. Amazingly, the two sisters, their father and other members of the Hadid family are all still registered as Palestinian refugees with UNRWA.

That’s not all. Under the auspices of the UN, people of Palestinian heritage the world over don’t just have a permanent refugee status, they also have a so-called right of return.

Over several decades, the ‘right of return’ has allowed successive Palestinian political leaders to continue a war against Israel by other means – by insisting on their right to return to land ‘occupied’ by Israel. No other group of refugees has been granted a similarly inalienable right of return.

For the Palestine Liberation Organisation, this right was the ‘foremost of Palestinian rights’. Hamas is equally attached to it. In 2018, it organised a massive protest along the border fences with Israel. The objective of this ‘great march of return’ was, according to Hamas’s then leader, Ismail Haniyeh, to ‘break the walls of the blockade, remove the occupation entity and return to all of Palestine’. No wonder novelist Amos Oz, the founder of Israel’s Peace Now movement, has argued that ‘the right of return is a euphemism for the liquidation of Israel’.

The twin issues of refugee status and the right of return have taken on enormous symbolic significance for Palestinians. They have also made, and will continue to make, any peace negotiations between Palestinians and Israelis inordinately difficult.

Now would be a good time to start reassessing Palestinians’ permanent refugee status and the right of return. That way we might finally start taking some of the heat out of this interminable conflict.

Barry O’Halloran is an Irish author, journalist, and broadcaster. Visit his website here.