Obama Visits Sderot

Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Sen. Barack Obama, accompanied by Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak and Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, visited the shell-shocked Israeli city yesterday. He met with city Mayor Eli Moyal and family of Mr. and Mrs. Pinchas and Aliza Amar, whose house was destroyed by a Hamas’ Qassam rocket last December Their home still is under construction after being devastated by the attack. “We’ve been waiting here for over an hour,” said Mrs. Racheli Barr, who lives near the Amars. “It is not every day that the next president of the United States comes to see our situation.”

The Amar family greeted Mr. Obama with a framed picture of Pinchas and Aliza in their house after the rocket struck as well as a bamboo stalk to symbolize their hopes for him.

“The meaning of the bamboo is that if you take care of it and it blossoms, so shall you,” Mrs. Amar said. “But if you do not take care of it, and it withers, you will follow the same path.”

After meeting with the family, Mr. Obama crossed the street to shake hands and briefly speak with several bystanders. Leading up to the visit, the Amars had high hopes for Mr. Obama.

“It shows that Obama knows it is better to be close to the people as a leader, rather than to be like a king who only rules from the throne,” Mr. Amar said.” I don’t feel like we have to tell [Obama] a lot because he understands poverty and struggle [from a personal standpoint].” This visit has also strengthened the family’s resolve and excitement to return to their home once it is built, despite an eight-month struggle through legal “red tape” to reach a compromise with the government allowing its rebuilding.

“It is a special place,” Mrs. Amar said. “When they called to say they wanted to visit our house, we told them that it was in the middle of construction, but we were told that he wanted to see our home.”

Sen. John McCain had visited the Amars’ home only a few months before, as had German diplomats as well as other foreign representatives. “There must be a reason why foreign officials visit our house,” Mrs. Amar said.

At a press conference in Sderot, following his visit to the Amar home, Mr. Obama said he endorses Israel’s right to defend itself against rockets. “If someone were sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep at night, I would do anything to stop it,” Mr. Obama said.

Obama Visits Sderot 1

“I can assure you,” Barak Obama said, speaking at the local police station against a backdrop of Kassam rockets, “if someone was sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep at night, I’m going to do everything in my power to stop that, and I would expect Israelis to do the same thing.”

He would expect Israelis to do the same thing.

But they didn’t.

Here is PM Olmert admitting that:

“We hope that we will not have to act against Hamas in other ways with the military power that Israel has not yet started to use in a serious manner in order to stop it.”

Joint Statements by PM Olmert and US Pres. Bush Israel Government Press Office Wednesday, May 14, 2008
www.pmo.gov.il/PMOEng/Communication/PMSpeaks/speechstat140508.htm ]

Candidate Obama talks tough during lightning visit July 23, 2008 Herb Keinon,
THE JERUSALEM POST www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1215331063647&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

US presidential hopeful Barack Obama empathized deeply with Israelis’ feelings of insecurity and talked tough on Iran during a whirlwind 36-hour campaign stop here on Wednesday.

The Illinois senator arrived in Sderot in the late afternoon, after a marathon day of meetings and campaign photo opportunities that began with a breakfast with Defense Minister Ehud Barak, followed by a visit to Yad Vashem, a meeting with President Shimon Peres, a drive to Ramallah and meetings with the Palestinian Authority’s President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salaam Fayad, a return trip to Jerusalem for a meeting with Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, and then a helicopter ride down to Sderot with Livni and Barak.

Obama met for dinner with Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, and was then was scheduled for a late-night visit to the Western Wall. Iran featured prominently in Olmert’s talks with the candidate.

Looking a bit tired, Obama used a press conference in Sderot to address key issues on the minds of Jewish voters and other Israel supporters in the US, as well as matters of concerns to Israelis.

“I can assure you,” he said, speaking at the local police station against a backdrop of Kassam rockets, “if someone was sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep at night, I’m going to do everything in my power to stop that, and I would expect Israelis to do the same thing.”

He tried to put to rest concerns that an Obama administration would be characterized by pressuring Israel to make concessions, saying that no one who spoke with him on Wednesday “got any sense that I would be pressuring them to accept any kinds of concessions that would put their security at stake.

“We don’t want a peace deal just to have a piece of paper that doesn’t result in peace. We need something that is meaningful, and it is not going to be meaningful if Israel’s security is not part of that package.”

While saying that true security would be difficult to attain with hostile neighbors just a few miles away, Obama said he thought Israel had to ensure that “peace is not purchased by putting Israel’s security at risk, and it is the job of the US, I think, to make sure that that peace is centered and promotes Israel’s long term security.”

Obama took a tough stand against Iran, saying he would use “big carrots and big sticks” in dealing with the regime, and that while he wanted to pursue the diplomatic track, “I would take no options off the table.”

“Understand part of my reasoning here,” he said. “A nuclear Iran will be a game-changing situation, not just in the Middle East but around the world.”

The senator said a nuclear Iran would lead to the disintegration of the non-proliferation framework, and a nuclear arms race throughout the Middle East.

“Many of these countries, including Iran, have ties to terrorist organizations, and suddenly you could have lost nuclear materials falling into the hands of terrorists, ” he said, defining that as a threat not only to Israel, but also to the US.

Obama said he was not naive about the nature of the Iranian regime, and that he wanted “tough, serious direct diplomacy” because “if we show ourselves willing to talk and to offer carrots and sticks in order to deal with these pressing problems, and if Iran then rejects overtures of that sort, it puts us in a stronger position to mobilize the international community to ratchet up the pressure on Iran.”

Obama was asked about his speech to AIPAC speech last month in which he talked of an undivided Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, but backed down later when he clarified that the future of Jerusalem had to be decided in negotiations.

“I didn’t change my statement,” Obama said. “I continue to say that Jerusalem will be the capital of Israel. I have said that before and will say it again. I have also said that it is important that you don’t simply slice the city in half. But I’ve also said that this is a final status issue, an issue that has to be dealt with by the parties involved, the Palestinians and the Israelis. It is not the job of the US to dictate the form which that will take, but rather to support the efforts that are being made right now to resolve these very difficult issues that have a long history.”

After the press conference in Sderot, Obama received a white T-shirt from Mayor Eli Moyal that read “I (heart) Sderot,” with a rocket through the heart. Earlier he met briefly with Asher Twito, an eight-year-old Sderot boy who lost a leg to a Gazan rocket.

Twito gave Obama a hat, and the senator, according to those present, was touched by the gift.

Obama referred to Twito in his prepared statement at the press conference, saying the youngster epitomized the courage and resilience of the people of Sderot and of Israel.

Earlier in the day, before his meeting with Peres, Obama said the purpose of his trip, paid for by his campaign, was to “reaffirm the special relationship between Israel and the United States and my abiding commitment to Israel’s security and my hope that I can serve as an effective partner, whether as a US senator or as president.”

Obama joked with Peres, after praising him, that he wanted to get from him the “recipe for looking as good he does.”

Obama’s long day began with a meeting with Barak that, according to a statement released by the Defense Ministry, included a “vigorous and intense discussion touching on all the basic issues and future challenges facing Israel and the free world in the region.”

After the Barak meeting, Obama met opposition leader Binyamin Netanyahu.

Netanyahu said he was impressed with Obama’s understanding of the Iranian threat and that they both agreed that a nuclear Iran was unacceptable.

The opposition leader stressed that they also agreed that what was important was the end result of preventing a nuclear Teheran, rather than the means of how to accomplish that, and that when it came to stopping Iran there were no politics.

Netanyahu also outlined his plan for economic peace with the Palestinians, and Obama told him he agreed that quality of life was connected to security.

Obama said, “I’ll never compromise Israel’s security. Terrorism is not theoretical, it’s right here a block away from this hotel, and it must be fought with full force and strength.”

Tuesday’s bulldozer attack took place just down the street from the King David Hotel where Obama was staying.

Netanyahu was joined in the meeting by his foreign policy advisers Dore Gold, Uzi Arad, Zalman Shoval and Ron Dermer.

At Yad Vashem, which Obama visited when he was here in 2006 for the first time, he laid a wreath in the memorial hall and wrote in the visitors book, “At a time of great peril and torment, war and strife, we are blessed to have such a powerful reminder of man’s potential for great evil, but also our capacity to rise up from tragedy and remake our world.”

He said he would like to bring his two young daughters to the site on his next visit.

While in Sderot, during a meeting with Public Security Minister Avi Dichter, Dichter, an Ashkelon resident, told Obama what it was like living and raising a family within missile range of the Gaza Strip. He also spoke of his mother, an 85-year-old Holocaust survivor also living in Ashkelon, who he said was again living in a reality of constant threats, this time from Kassam rockets.

Obama, who arrived Tuesday evening from Jordan, was scheduled to leave early Thursday morning for Germany.

“Obama’s Visit & Policies”

Obama’s whirlwind tour of Israel is completed, and I find that readers are seeking comments on that visit. He did it all right while here: Visiting Yad VaShem (the Holocaust Memorial — required stop for all visiting dignitaries), Sderot, the Kotel — making appropriate comments in each place, and meeting with top leaders.

If there was any concern I had, it was that Obama saw fit to pay a visit to Ramallah and meet with Abbas and Fayyad — something McCain opted not to do when he was here. There was no press conference from Ramallah — it is my impression that he was seeking to keep this low key.

From Aaron Klein at WorldNetDaily comes a report from someone who attended Obama’s meeting with Abbas. Obama reportedly assured PA leadership that there was a “misunderstanding” with regard to his statement about an undivided Jerusalem — a mistake he corrected immediately. This PA official said Obama told them he supports a negotiated settlement that would give the Palestinians territory in Jerusalem. He also expressed “full understanding” regarding the need for Israel to halt “settlement activity.”

~~~~~~~~~~

Israeli historian Dr. Michael Oren recently provided an analysis of the positions of the two candidates with regard to Israel, and I would like to share highlights here. There are genuine differences:

— “While McCain has avoided criticizing Israel’s settlement policy and balked at delineating the contours of ‘Palestine,’ Obama has impugned the settlements and taken up Bush’s call for a ‘contiguous’ Palestinian state free of Israeli roadblocks and joined by West Bank-to-Gaza routes.

— “McCain… has emphasized the Palestinian Authority’s duty to clamp down on terror in accordance with the Road Map. ‘We must ensure that Israel’s people can live in safety until there is a Palestinian leadership willing and able to deliver peace,’ he stated. Obama, by contrast, has refrained from mentioning the PA’s responsibility in suppressing terror.

— “Obama has expressed strong reservations about the Israeli right, complaining to American Jewish leaders that ‘there is a strain within the pro-Israel community that says unless you adopt an unwavering pro-Likud approach to Israel then you’re anti-Israel.’ He has also welcomed the renewal of peace talks between Israel and Syria… McCain, however, has not revealed a preference for one Israeli party over another and has withheld comment on the Syria-Israeli discussions.

— the Democratic contender seems less adamant than his Republican rival in opposing all communications with Hamas. Obama waited five days before distancing himself from former President Jimmy Carter’s meetings with Hamas officials; McCain condemned them instantly. And while McCain withheld comment on Israel’s ceasefire with Hamas, Obama greeted it as an opportunity to ‘bring calm to the people of southern Israel, improve life for Palestinians in Gaza, and lead to the release of [captured Israeli corporal] Gilad Shalit.'”

~~~~~~~~~~

As to Dr. Oren’s predictions for the path each candidate would take as president:

“While both aspirants will honor Bush’s pro-Israel legacy and actively pursue peace, McCain would be less prone than Obama to pressure Israel for concessions and more inclined to take the Palestinian Authority to task for its Road Map infractions. Obama may prove more flexible than McCain in admitting some role for Hamas in negotiations and recognizing Palestinian claims to Jerusalem. McCain would preserve and Obama would renounce much of his predecessor’s policies on preemption and the war on terror…

“McCain is unlikely to ratchet up pressure on Israel, to oppose Israeli claims to Jerusalem, or to link the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with any of the region’s manifold struggles. He will not deal with Hamas, even in context of the national unity government that the organization is currently considering with the Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.

“An Obama presidency, however, may well launch an entirely new initiative, one based on zero tolerance for Israeli settlement-building and checkpoints, as well as on the belief that the road to Baghdad and Teheran runs through Bethlehem and Nablus. Obama might be expected to show deeper sympathy for the Palestinian demand for a capital in Jerusalem and greater flexibility in including Hamas in negotiations, if only indirectly, through the national unity coalition with Abbas.”

http://docs.google.com/View?docid=df7qj7nh_42fnsmfkgm

~~~~~~~~~~

You might also want to see an article entitled, “Where Does Obama’s Foreign Policy Take Us,” by Kory Bardash and Abraham Katsman: “The candidates… differ on the core issue of whether the Israeli-Palestinian [conflict] is the cause of the rest of the region’s woes, or vice ‘infect(s) all of our foreign policy’ and ‘provides an excuse for anti-American militant jihadists.’ That is a formulation that suggests heavy Israeli concessions to achieve ‘peace’ at any cost.

“McCain, on the other hand, sees the opposite — that Islamic fanaticism is the obstacle to Israeli-Palestinian peace: ‘[1]f the Israeli-Palestinian issue were decided tomorrow, we would still face the enormous threat of radical Islamic extremism.’ According to Dr. Oren, neither McCain nor any of his advisors have indicated a readiness to apply greater pressure on Israel.”

And I will say forthrightly that it is McCain’s conceptualization that is correct.

http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1215331087590&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

Jerusalem Reels After Its Second Construction Vehicle Attack

Jerusalem – The police presence has been increased in the downtown area of the city in the wake of Tuesday’s terrorist attack by a backhoe driver that left the terrorist dead and injured 28 others.

Police have tightened supervision of Arab workers at building sites throughout the city and dedicated patrols at the sites.

This was the third terror attack in the capital committed in the past six months by Arab residents of East Jerusalem. “There is a need to create a more effective deterrent by demolishing houses, denying rights of families of the perpetrators and other measures,” Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said.

Police were also brought into the terrorist’s village of Umm Tuba in the southern part of the city, where police are worried about the possibility of clashes between Israeli and Arab residents.

Commander of the Jerusalem District Police Cmdr. Aharon Franko last night forbade the erection of traditional Islamic mourning tent at the home of the terrorist.

Eyewitnesses Recount The Incident

Throughout the day yesterday, the sordid details of the bulldozer attack were discussed on radio newscasts.

In the attack, on King David Street, a total of 28 people were hurt.

Doctors at Hadassah University Hospital spent the day fighting to save the left leg of Attorney Shuki Kremer, legal adviser to the Israel Basketball Association.

It all happened very quickly. The backhoe driver, Ghasan Abu-Tir, 22, who was laying pipes in George Washington Street at the corner of Keren Hayesod Street for Jerusalem’s inner rail service line, suddenly drove out at full speed into Keren Hayesod Street.

Mr. Avi Levy, driver of a Number-13 bus, was driving by the entrance to George Washington Street when the backhoe rammed his bus, rocking it.

“I thought I had struck some car or that I had caused an accident,” he said. “I couldn’t see the [backhoe] in my right view mirror. And then, suddenly, he made a U-turn, came at me from the left at full speed, and smashed the shovel into the passengers’ windows. I saw death staring me in the face. I put my foot down on the accelerator, swung round into Mapu Street and got away from him.”

Mr. Avraham Levi, 70, was sitting in his van at the time of the attack. “He rammed the car behind me, and sent it smashing into the rear of my van,” Mr. Levi said. “The car was completely destroyed. Then he tried to overturn my van too. I escaped to the right, and he struck the car in front of me and overturned it on its side.”

“I saw the tractor chasing the bus, and suddenly it turned towards me,” said Mr. David Levy, 62, from Mevasseret Tziyon. “I stepped on the gas but the shovel struck my car on the left side, stopping me. I jumped out and got away.”

The terrorist managed to hit five cars and a bus before he was stopped and killed by an armed passer-by.

When the backhoe attack in King David Street took place, Mr. Asael was in his car on the way to pick up his wife Tzofit from her work, for a family holiday in the north. “I realized immediately that it was a terrorist attack. There was no doubt about it,” Mr. Asael said. “I stopped the car, took my pistol and fired at the bulldozer. I did what had to be done. I don’t think I’m a hero.”

Mr. Asael, a former Israeli army-tank company commander, who now grows grapes and cherries in the Jewish farming community of Sussiya in the southern Hebron Hills. He also teaches the Bible at the yeshiva high school in Kiryat Arba.

“He showed presence of mind and resourcefulness,” said his brother, Mr. Amotz Asael, a senior writer at The Jerusalem Post. “He has been like that since he was a child. When something has to be done he knows exactly what it is and how to do it.”

The attack took place not far from the King David Hotel, where Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Barack Obama was staying.

The Terrorist-Relative Of Senior Hamas Member Abu Tir

The terrorist belonged to clan of Hamas spokesperson Sheikh Muhammad Abu Tir, a Hamas Palestinian parliament member who has been in imprisoned since June 2006 in connection with Israel Defense Forces Cpl. Gilad Shalit’s kidnapping.

The Bulletin has learned that Ghasan Abu Tir contacted another member of his clan, Jamal Abu Tir, who works in the sensitive visa section of the American consulate. The visa section decides who is able to come to the U.S. A source in the consulate said the terrorist told Jamal Abu Tir he was calling from a location near Jerusalem’s Keren Hayesod Street, and he planned to do something soon before the attack.

Two unanswered questions to the U.S. Consulate in Jerusalem and to the U.S. State Department in Washington were sent inquiring as to whether or not Jamal Abu Tir’s alleged Hamas connections have been examined and whether he holds a security clearance.

Whether Ghasan Abu Tir acted entirely on his own or had help remains to be seen.

David Bedein can be reached at dbedein@israelbehindthenews.com. His Web site is www.IsraelBehindTheNews.com.

©The Bulletin 2008

Obama Visits Sderot

Sderot, Israel – Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Sen. Barack Obama, accompanied by Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak and Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, visited the shell-shocked Israeli city yesterday. He met with city Mayor Eli Moyal and family of Mr. and Mrs. Pinchas and Aliza Amar, whose house was destroyed by a Hamas’ Qassam rocket last Dec. Their home still is under construction after being devastated by the attack.

“We’ve been waiting here for over an hour,” said Mrs. Racheli Barr, who lives near the Amars. “It is not every day that the next president of the United States comes to see our situation.”

The Amar family greeted Mr. Obama with a framed picture of Pinchas and Aliza in their house after the rocket struck as well as a bamboo stalk to symbolize their hopes for him.

“The meaning of the bamboo is that if you take care of it and it blossoms, so shall you,” Mrs. Amar said. “But if you do not take care of it, and it withers, you will follow the same path.”

After meeting with the family, Mr. Obama crossed the street to shake hands and briefly speak with several bystanders. Leading up to the visit, the Amars had high hopes for Mr. Obama.

“It shows that Obama knows it is better to be close to the people as a leader, rather than to be like a king who only rules from the throne,” Mr. Amar said.” I don’t feel like we have to tell [Obama] a lot because he understands poverty and struggle [from a personal standpoint].”

This visit has also strengthened the family’s resolve and excitement to return to their home once it is built, despite an eight-month struggle through legal “red tape” to reach a compromise with the government allowing its rebuilding.

“It is a special place,” Mrs. Amar said. “When they called to say they wanted to visit our house, we told them that it was in the middle of construction, but we were told that he wanted to see our home.”

Sen. John McCain had visited the Amars’ home only a few months before, as had German diplomats as well as other foreign representatives.

“There must be a reason why foreign officials visit our house,” Mrs. Amar said.

At a press conference in Sderot, following his visit to the Amar home, Mr. Obama said he endorses Israel’s right to defend itself against rockets.

“If someone were sending rockets into my house where my two daughters sleep at night, I would do anything to stop it,” Mr. Obama said.

David Bedein can be reached at dbedein@israelbehindthenews.com. His Web site is www.IsraelBehindTheNews.com

©The Bulletin 2008

Protest Vigil Greets Obama

As Sen. Barack Obama prepared to go to sleep in Jerusalem at the elegant King David Hotel, a coalition of organizations held a vigil across the street, spearheaded by the Worldwide Young Israel Movement and the Zionist Organization of America.

Earlier in the evening, these groups convened a crowded news conference, which was devoid of personal attacks, yet firm in its demands of Mr. Obama to do the following:

* Disavow subsequent retractions which qualified his original calls for an undivided Jerusalem to mean only that it would not be separated by barbed wire as in 1948-67

* Declare that security and access to all holy places can only be guaranteed by Israeli sovereignty, as demonstrated during the past 41 years

* Acknowledge that Israeli withdrawals from Southern Lebanon and Gaza in the past have led to destabilization and increased violence and terror as well as that these withdrawals presage a similar deterioration likely to occur in East Jerusalem if Israel were to withdraw and turn the area over to Fatah, which would likely be usurped by Hamas

* Take immediate steps to introduce balance and a pro-Israel perspective by appointing a number of foreign policy advisors more likely to consider an undivided Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty.

In his recent speech to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) Public Policy Conference, Mr. Obama said, “Let me be clear… Jerusalem will remain the capital of Israel, and it must remain undivided.” (“Undivided” is a code word universally understood to mean that it would remain exclusively under Israeli sovereignty.)

Within days he had backtracked, explaining that what he meant when he said “undivided” was simply that the city shouldn’t again be divided by barbed wire as it was between 1949 and 1967. He suggested that there was room for Palestinian sovereignty in the city as well. In a CNN interview, he said he thought a good “starting point” for negotiations was the Clinton plan advanced at Taba in 2000, which called for a divided city, but actually was subsequently taken off the table.

Mr. Obama’s Middle East advisors did not answer The Bulletin’s request for comment on these questions posed to him by vigil participants outside of his hotel.

Peres Ignores Abbas’ Praise Of Kuntar

Jerusalem – Last week, Israeli President Shimon Peres condemned those who were “welcoming the return of Samir Kuntar, a murderer who smashed the skull of a 4-year-old girl, Einat, with his bare hands and the butt of his rifle and then shot her father in cold blood and never expressed regret.” Mr. Peres went on to express the wish that “murderers rejoice no more. May the spirit of defenders in a just war remain proud.”

One of the Arab leaders who greeted Mr. Kuntar with adulation upon his release was the Palestinian leader, Mahmoud Abbas. Today, Mr. Abbas held a meeting with President Peres. Mr. Peres’ spokeswoman would not respond as to whether Mr. Peres has raised any objection or protest to Mr. Abbas over his praise for a murderer. However, minutes of the meeting between Mr. Peres and Mr. Abbas that Mr. Peres issued at the end of the day, after their meeting, indicated that Mr. Peres had not mentioned any criticism whatsoever of Mr. Abbas for his praise of Mr. Kuntar.

David Bedein can be reached at dbedein@israelbehindthenews.com. His Web site is www.IsraelBehindTheNews.com

©The Bulletin 2008

Protest Vigil Greets Obama

Jerusalem – As Sen. Barack Obama prepared to go to sleep in Jerusalem at the elegant King David Hotel, a coalition of organizations held a vigil across the street, spearheaded by the Worldwide Young Israel Movement and the Zionist Organization of America.

Earlier in the evening, these groups convened a crowded news conference, which was devoid of personal attacks, yet firm in its demands of Mr. Obama to do the following:

* Disavow subsequent retractions which qualified his original calls for an undivided Jerusalem to mean only that it would not be separated by barbed wire as in 1948-67

* Declare that security and access to all holy places can only be guaranteed by Israeli sovereignty, as demonstrated during the past 41 years

* Acknowledge that Israeli withdrawals from Southern Lebanon and Gaza in the past have led to destabilization and increased violence and terror as well as that these withdrawals presage a similar deterioration likely to occur in East Jerusalem if Israel were to withdraw and turn the area over to Fatah, which would likely be usurped by Hamas

* Take immediate steps to introduce balance and a pro-Israel perspective by appointing a number of foreign policy advisors more likely to consider an undivided Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty.

In his recent speech to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) Public Policy Conference, Mr. Obama said, “Let me be clear … Jerusalem will remain the capital of Israel, and it must remain undivided.” (“Undivided” is a code word universally understood to mean that it would remain exclusively under Israeli sovereignty.)

Within days he had backtracked, explaining that what he meant when he said “undivided” was simply that the city shouldn’t again be divided by barbed wire as it was between 1949 and 1967. He suggested that there was room for Palestinian sovereignty in the city as well. In a CNN interview, he said he thought a good “starting point” for negotiations was the Clinton plan advanced at Taba in 2000, which called for a divided city, but actually was subsequently taken off the table.

Mr. Obama’s Middle East advisors did not answer The Bulletin’s request for comment on these questions posed to him by vigil participants outside of his hotel.

David Bedein can be reached at dbedein@israelbehindthenews.com. His Web site is www.IsraelBehindTheNews.com

©The Bulletin 2008

Backhoe Used As Weapon In Israel

Jerusalem – Terror struck Jerusalem again as a Palestinian backhoe driver went on a rampage just down the street from the King David Hotel, where U.S. presidential contender Barack Obama stayed last night.

The terrorist who stands accused of driving the backhoe was Hassan Abu Tir, a resident of the Umm Tuba neighborhood of eastern Jerusalem, and the possessor of an Israeli identity card. Mr. Hassan is a relative of the Hamas parliament member Muhammad Abu Tir, who is being held in Israeli prison. Muhammad Abu Tir was arrested in June 2006 in conjunction with the Hamas kidnapping of Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit in Gaza.

The terrorist began his attempt to murder Jews on King David St. near the Yemen Moshe neighborhood. He took the Jerusalem municipal tractor from a construction site, and began plowing into vehicles along the street, hitting at least three cars – one of which he completely overturned – and a bus. One driver was able to escape from his car even though the tractor plowed it into a bus stop. When the terrorist reached the intersection of Keren HaYesod St., a 56-year-old farmer from a Southern Hebron Hills community ran toward the tractor and killed the terrorist. A border guard policeman also shot the terrorist.

In all, 23 people were hurt, including a mother and her 9-month-old son. Magen David Adom paramedics treated the victims at the scene, they evacuated them to Shaare Zedek Medical Center, Bikur Holim, Hadassah Mount Scopus and Hadassah Ein Kerem Hospitals. MDA Blood Services have immediately contacted the hospitals to send the required blood units and components.

Exactly three weeks ago, another Jerusalem Arab killed three people in a similar attack before he was himself killed by a seminary student who is also serving in an elite Israeli army unit.

David Bedein can be reached at dbedein@israelbehindthenews.com. His Web site is www.IsraelBehindTheNews.com

©The Bulletin 2008

“My Pentagon Years” A briefing by Douglas J. Feith

Douglas J. Feith was undersecretary of defense for policy in the Bush administration (2001-05), and is a professor of national security policy at Georgetown University. He previously served in several capacities in the Reagan administration. His articles on foreign and defense affairs have appeared in the Middle East Quarterly as well as The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, The Washington Post, and Commentary. He was educated at Georgetown University and Harvard College.

The Middle East Forum presented Douglas J. Feith in a discussion of his new book, War and Decision: Inside the Pentagon at the Dawn of the War on Terrorism (HarperCollins), a chronicle of his experiences as undersecretary of defense for policy in the Bush administration between 2001 and 2005. In this position, he formulated policy through critical stages of the wars in Iraq and against radical Islam.

Feith began by articulating some of the thoughts developed by policymakers in the immediate aftermath of the 9-11 attack. “In my book, I’m looking at the development of a strategy for the war on terrorism, and if one is going to understand that it is useful to go back and capture the frame of mind that we had as a country, and specifically that the policy makers had within the administration right after the attack.”

Feith pointed out that President Bush’s description of the situation right after 9-11 as a “war” was a significant break with previous U.S. policy. The standard response, for decades, was to have the FBI arrest the perpetrators, prosecute, and punish them. In his book, Feith chronicles how the administration crafted a strategy to fight a war against an amorphous enemy that was not only hard to locate, but hard to define. His thesis is that the U.S. “developed a proper apprehension of the threat and a good strategy,” and that “the administration has done a better job of conceiving the strategy and executing it than talking about it.” Indeed, the administration’s failure was in explaining and justifying this strategy to the U.S. and the world, which is one of several major criticisms of the administration Feith makes in his book.

He described Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld’s approach to problematic issues, which was to ask what major strategic thoughts should guide deliberations on the issue. Feith outlined the five major strategic thoughts that were developed right after 9-11. These thoughts, he pointed out, laid the foundation for American national security policy for the war on terrorism.

The U.S. government had to do something. The immediate instinct of some officials, particularly in the state department and CIA, was to do what had been done in the past: find the people responsible and punish them. President Bush, Vice President Cheney, and Rumsfeld argued that the government’s obligation to the American people was not simply retaliation but prevention of the next attack; essentially, a defense strategy.

The enemy in the war is a network, and while the next attack could come from Al-Qaeda, it could also come from other parts of the global jihadist network. The network includes not only the terrorist groups but their state supporters. The different elements of the network, groups and states, maintain various types of connections: financial, ideological, logistical, operational. Thus, severing these connections became part of American strategy.

9-11 was a departure from most previous instances of terrorism, in that “they were not using terrorism as political theater,” to garner attention and sympathy for their cause, but to wreak mass destruction. Preventing terrorists from getting weapons of mass destruction became a key part of U.S. strategy. Feith noted how the “leading state supporters are also the leading countries of WMD proliferation concern, and that coincidence was a fact of strategic importance.”

The purpose of our national security policy is not simply to protect people and territory but to secure our constitutional system, our civil liberties, and the open nature of our society. Feith discussed how the president, in his first major speech to Congress after 9-11, stated that the stakes in the war on terrorism could not be greater because terrorism threatens our way of life.

The U.S. cannot rely on a defensive strategy, because it would have to curtail civil liberties in the process of trying to protect every possible target at home. Feith explained how this thinking led to an offensive strategy of hitting the terrorists abroad.

Feith talked about how his book contradicts much of the accepted narrative about the administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, such as the notion that President Bush came into office determined to go to war no matter what, and the allegation that the U.S. didn’t plan for post-Saddam Iraq.

He discussed his methodology in War and Decision, of using extensive citations, quotations from previously classified documents, and his own notes from meetings of the National Security Council, using only exact quotations of people’s remarks. He included 140 pages of references and made documents available at www.WarAndDecision.com to support his challenge to the conventional, but according to Feith, deeply flawed account of the creation of American strategy. His goal was to create an account that is “civil, useful, and accurate,” meticulously relying on the contemporaneous written record.

The politicization of intelligence is an important theme in Feith’s book. The controversy between the Defense Department and the CIA over the Al-Qaeda-Iraq connection was not a clash in which the former argued for a relationship and the latter against. Rather, “it was an argument about methodology and professionalism.” The problem was that the State Department and the CIA leaked information to the press, a tactic to which the Defense Department did not resort. However, Feith notes, “we didn’t talk to the press very much, which was foolish,” and so the State Department-CIA team shaped the public’s conception.

Another of his major topics, said Feith, is the postwar plan for political transition in post-Saddam Iraq, a plan which he presents for “the first time anywhere.” The defense department aimed for a short American stay in Iraq, to put Iraqis in control of government. This plan, approved by the president, was built on American experience in Afghanistan, where there was no occupation government and no insurgency as in Iraq. Feith analyzes how the plan was undone. He calls the 14-month occupation government of Iraq by the U.S. a “very costly error,” which left a large-scale insurgency in its wake.

When questioned about the future of Iraq, Feith referred to recent positive signs in the war, such as the Sunni tribal leaders’ 180-degree switch from supporting Al-Qaeda to allying with the U.S., the ceasefire declared by Shiite leader Muqtada al-Sadr, the substantial improvement in the operations capabilities of the Iraqi army and police, and political developments including power and revenue sharing, as well as some legislative progress.

He criticized the administration’s redefinition of the U.S. goal in Iraq, beginning in 2003, from reducing threats to promoting democracy, as a major error which set the standard of success unreasonably high and almost led Congress to pull out of the war in the summer of 2007. The solution in Iraq, according to Feith, is to “contain the magnitude of the problems, and increase the capacity of the Iraqis to manage their own problems.”

Summary account by Mimi Stillman.
http://www.meforum.org/article/1934 (includes an audio recording of this talk)