The Process: 1,100 Days That Changed the Middle East

Reviewed by David Bedein,
Media Research Analyst and Bureau Chief,
Israel Resource News Agency, Jerusalem, Israel.

The 1993 Middle East negotiations came to be known as the Oslo process, because of secret talks held in the Norwegian capital between the Israeli government and its rival, the Palestine Liberation Organization.

The Oslo process afforded unprecedented recognition, status and arms for Yassir Arafat and the PLO Organization, so as to irrevocably alter the history and direction of the Middle East.

Israeli career diplomat Uri Savir, who served as the director of Israel’s foreign ministry from May 1993 until May 1996, played a crucial role in the Oslo process, until Benyamin Netanyahu, the head of Israel’s Likud opposition party defeated Uri Savir’s boss, Prime Minister Shimon Peres, Israel’s Labor Party leader in a close race for the office of Israeli head of state, after which Savir tendered his resignation from Israel’s foreign service.

Savir says that he has authored this title while the Oslo process is still fresh in his memory, and. presumably, while the diskettes from Savir’s computer are still warm. Since Savir continues to advocate for the Oslo process as the head of the new Peres Center for Peace in the Middle East, this book should be read and carefully analyzed by those who pay close attention to the the Middle East.

In this book, Savir walks us through the sweat of the hours, days and weeks of meticulous negotiations that he led with the PLO. taking the reader from airports to hotel rooms to the hidden places of secret rendezvous from Norwegian woods and Israeli resorts. Savir is a man to chronicle every detail of negotiation, down to the last cigarette butt and empty cup of Turkish coffee left in smoke-filled negotiating rooms.

Savir writes how he developed almost a blind respect for leading members of the PLO, especially for one PLO operative in particular – his negotiating partner, Abu Alla, the head of Arafat’s PLC, the Palestine Legislative Council. In Savir’s view, the Oslo process was a diplomatic initiative that had little or no downside for the state of Israel, let alone for the cause of peace.

What Savir does not offer is any perspective of how these agreements came unraveled so quickly, and while he was still in office.

Savir states firmly and clearly that his first accomplishment in the negotiations with the PLO was that Jerusalem would be kept out of the Palestine Authority and the PLO. In this book, Savir does confirm, for the first time, that Peres had given official sanction to Palestinian institutions in Jerusalem, in a secret document that has never been disclosed. Yet what Savir does not mention is that during August, 1993, that the PLO did exactly the opposite, and formally established official institutions of the Palestine Authority and the PLO in Jerusalem, all of which continue to function in Jerusalem, in violation of the accord reached with Peres and Savir.

Savir proudly reports the agreement that he achieved to get the new Palestine Authority to arrest and try any Arab who escapes to the area under their control after committing a terrorist attack, except that he neglects to mention that Arafat and the Palestine Authority have refused to arrest the thirty two killers who have found refuge inside the Palestine Authority, with the exception of Imjad HaNawi, one of the two gunmen who machine gunned to death an American boy, David Boim, at a bus stop north of Jerusalem in May, 1996 whom the Palestine Authority only arrested after President Clinton’s personal intervention in February, 1998.

Throughout the book, Savir mentions the underlying assumption that the Palestine Authority will crush the Hamas without providing any mention or analysis of the May 1995 Palestine Authority decision to arm the Hamas or the December 1995 Palestine Authority decision to incorporate the Hamas within the Palestine Authority.

Yet Savir expresses full confidence in Arafat as an advocate of peace.

Surprisingly, nowhere in this book will you find Savir ever mentioning the constant stream of speeches given by Arafat in Arabic since the genesis of the Oslo accords that call for total holy war against the people and state of Israel.

Savir writes as if Arafat’s speeches against peace never took place do not exist.

In February, 1995, following one of Savir’s briefings at the Israeli Foreign Ministry, I asked Savir for his comment about Arafat’s incitement in Arabic. Savir gave me a blank stare, which perhaps meant that he was not capable of dealing with any fault ascribed to his negotiating partners.

Savir chooses to overlook Arafat’s shortcomings because of what he views as the greatest accomplishment of the Oslo process – the cancellation of the PLO covenant that calls for continued war against the state and people of Israel.

Savir reports that on April 24, 1996, at “the highest point of the peace process”, that Arafat had fulfilled his pledge to convene the Palestine National Council, the PNC, to cancel the PLO covenant. Savir even notes that the Israeli foreign ministry’s special American legal consultant Yoel Singer had confirmed that this was the case.

Yet when Singer read the proofs of this book, he publicly reveal for the first time that the PNC never voted on the carefully worded proposal to cancel the PLO covenant that Singer had negotiated with Arafat’s director of planning, Nabil Sha’at.

Instead, Sha’at informed Singer that the PLO was incapable of passing any such resolution. All the PNC did was to form a committee to consider a new charter.

Singer reports that Savir knows this full well. The question remains: Why in May, 1998 does Savir convey the notion that the PLO has canceled its covenant, when he knows this not to be the case?

Savir could have used this chronicle of the Oslo accords to analyze why all Palestine Authority media, including the news coverage of the official PBC, the Palestine Broadcasting Corporation, reported that the PNC had not canceled the PLO covenant as requested.

Yet a more serious question emerges: Did Savir’s warm and intense relationship with Abu Alla and with Arafat distract his judgment from seeing that they acted in a charming and convincing manner with him, while carrying out yet another policy in Arabic with their own people.

Uri Savir negotiated an agreement as a patriot of Israel, and as an advocate of peace. It would seem that he cannot bear to see that the people whom he has negotiated with in good faith may have betrayed him.

The sequel to Savir’s book should analyze whether the trust and faith that Savir placed in Arafat, Abu Allah and the Palestine Liberation Organization ultimately advanced the cause of peace in the Middle East.

Al-Ahram: Peace Offensive, Israel’s Security, Beyond Oslo

The following are selections from articles which appeared in the Egyptian English weekly, “Al-Ahram” of Al-Ahram Weekly, 18th – 24th June, 1998

Truthful Lies, Respectable Murder
by Radwa Ashour

[Heading:] The Egyptian-Israeli peace offensive is a new form of biological warfare writes Radwa Ashour. The writer is a novelist and professor of English at Ain Shams University.

Lord Jeffrey Amherst, the commanding general of the British forces in north America from 1754 to 1763… approved the plan… to distribute blankets and handkerchiefs infected with smallpox to Native Americans besieging Fort Pitt (Pittsburgh). The blankets started an epidemic.

… Reading the joint statement of the Egyptian Peace Movement and the Israeli Peace Now movement, I could not help thinking of those blankets.

The manipulation of words is advanced technology, a post-modern device, but in essence similar to colonial germ warfare.

… the paragraph {of the joint statement} on Jerusalem is particularly illustrative: “Jerusalem will remain a united city permanently. The area of the city will be redefined and it will be accepted that both nations live in the city, and that both enjoy national and religious rights. Agreed and coordinated municipal frameworks will be established within the city borders in order to enable each community to manage its own internal affairs. Two capitals will exist within the municipal area: the capital of Israel in the Jewish areas, and the capital of Palestine in the Arab areas. The status of the holy sites will be determined through negotiations based on maintaining the religious rights and freedom of worship of all religions.” Jerusalem will remain a united city, says the first sentence of the paragraph and the last sentence of the same paragraph refers to two capitals in Jerusalem: the capital of Israel and the capital of Palestine.

“In our time,” says Orwell, “political speech and writing are largely the defense of the indefensible.”

… Fortunately, the large majority of Egyptian intellectuals see things differently. Individual writers, artists, university professors, journalists, researchers, scientists, and their unions and associations -the Egyptian Writers’ Union, the Artists’ Union, The Higher Council of Culture, the Journalists’ Syndicate, the Lawyers’ Syndicate, to name a few — have declared their position.

… The “gift” of the Cairo Peace Society and Peace Now is nothing but a contaminated blanket. We do not want it; we do not need smallpox; we have enough problems at hand.

Prisoners of Their Own War
by Amin Hewedy

[Heading:] Changes in technology and international relations have rendered Israel’s obsession with “security” both obsolete and absurd writes Amin Hewedy, a former minister of defence and chief of general intelligence.

Israel has successfully placed itself in an absurd position. Having imposed itself in an antagonistic environment, Israel, which enjoys relative security as a state, harbours a collection of individuals who are a scared and insecure lot. Their crimes haunt them night and day. Netanyahu is as scared and insecure as any other Israeli. He is primarily an Ashkenazi, terrified of the present and future alike.

… Israel’s strategy has failed. At 50, it has neither stability or security, A strategy that is effective at the time when a state is established is not necessarily effective in fostering its development and stability. It is unable to accommodate the internal changes which have taken place within Israel itself, let alone those which have occurred at the regional and global levels. Israel’s strategy is therefore an anachronism.

… Israel is no longer the fortress it once believed it was. During Operation Desert Storm, Iraqi missiles reached targets inside Israel, which prompted Israel to move its US-made Patriot missiles into defence positions. [IMRA NOTE: US successfully implored Israel not to use its airforce against Iraq]

… The outdated, extremist ideologies which hold sway politically and militarily seek to impose a fait accompli by force. Security, for Israelis, is a unilateral privilege, rather than a multilateral arrangement including all states in the region.

This understanding of security accounts for Israel’s soaring defence costs, which are correlated with political fluctuations. In 1960, Israel’s defence budget was 7.9% of its GNP, rising to 25.1 percent in 1970, 32.1 percent in 1975, and 22.4 percent in 1980. This rate dropped to 13.4 percent in 1990, and again to 9.9 percent in 1995. When Netanyahu came to power in 1996 he reduced defence costs by three percent, bringing the rate down to 10 percent of GNP.{IMRA NOTE: The author is confused}…. Can anyone save Israel from itself? Perhaps it is necessary to shake the pillars of this antediluvian temple of war — to bring it crumbling down.

Meeting Beyond Oslo
by Faiza Rady

[Heading:] The mood at last week’s Jerusalem Conference on “50 Years of Israeli Violations of Palestinian Human Rights” was vibrant and militant

Welcoming conference participants at the entrance of the Ambassador Hotel in Arab East Jerusalem, bright yellow banners floating in the light summer breeze bore slogans expressing the European Union’s support for the Palestinian people…. “This meeting is about international NGO commitment to the struggle of the Palestinian people,” Egyptian-born Maria Gazi, vice-chair of the European Committee for NGOs on the Question of Palestine (ECCP) told Al-Ahram Weekly. “It is significant that as many as 350 delegates from 30 different countries are attending the conference.”

The conference was organised by the Palestinian Society for the Protection of Human Rights and the Environment (LAW).

Hanna Amireh, a conference organiser, felt the gathering “… is especially important since it is taking place in Jerusalem, the most contested area in Palestine that the Israelis are attempting to ethnically cleanse and where they are disrupting the Palestinian cultural, social and political infrastructure.”

Amireh deplored the almost complete absence of Arab delegates, and called for greater regional solidarity with the Palestinians.

Baheieddin Hassan. director of the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, was the only Egyptian speaker at the conference.

… Amireh… criticised Egyptian intellectuals who refuse to attend solidarity meetings in Palestine. “They reject normalisation and so refuse to cross Israeli borders…,”she told the Weekly. “In Egypt there is a tendency to vacillate between two extremes. On one hand you have groups which adopt a joint platform with [the Israeli] Peace Now, and on the other there are those who are more royalist than the king and refuse to meet us on our ground for the sake of principles.”

… Referring to the Palestinian Authority’s agreement to postpone the issue of settlements until the final status negotiations, {prominent defender of Palestinian prisoners Israeli lawyer Felicia} Langer described the Oslo Accords as a “formula for disaster”. “It is clear that without any legal guarantee against further land confiscation and settlement activity, without abolition of the legal mechanism of dispossession, Israel [has been able] to create new facts on the ground and to cover them internationally with the cloak of the ‘peace process’,” she said.

… “What you see now I would describe as a cease-fire on the Palestinian side and a continuation of war by the Israelis,” {head of the Palestinian Relief Committee Dr. Mustafa} Baghouti told the Weekly. “This is why I believe that the old peace process is dead. We have now moved beyond Oslo.”

Where do the Palestinians go from here? According to Baghouti, it can only be to a new cycle of resistance, beyond the Oslo debacle, he said.

Shas MK, Rafael Pinhasi

IMRA interviewed Shas MK Rafael Pinhasi, in Hebrew, on June 28.

IMRA: In 1993 the coalition agreement signed between Shas and Labor stated that in “any contractual peace agreement involving a relinquishment of territory which is today under the sovereignty or control of the State of Israel to another party to the agreement or any third party, the agreement will be brought to the people for decision, either by means of a referendum or in elections to the Knesset and the premiership which will take place before the peace agreement is signed.”

Pinhasi: That only applied to the Golan.

IMRA: What’s the difference between the Golan and Judea and Samaria?

Pinhasi: There is a difference between the Golan and just giving back territory. When it comes to just giving back territory we don’t feel that there should be a national referendum. Just regarding the Golan because it is a security matter and for that we had Rabin’s agreement, per our demand, that he go to a national referendum.

IMRA: In your view there is no security matter in Judea and Samaria?

Pinhasi: Yes.

IMRA: During the same period, when he sat with the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, Rabbi Ovadia Yosef stressed his concern for the safety of settlers in Judea, Samaria and Gaza.

Pinhasi: He didn’t talk about a national referendum. It is clear that their well being has to be secured but not via a national referendum but rather via security arrangements set by the IDF in concert with the prime minister.

IMRA: Earlier this month the Chief of Staff said that if the talks later stall that the security situation will be considerably worse if an additional withdrawal already took place than if one didn’t.

Pinhasi: That’s why we are pressing for a withdrawal. We support a withdrawal.

IMRA: He told the Knesset Foreign Affair Committee said that if there is a withdrawal and later the negotiations stall at a later stage, after the withdrawal, that the security situation will be considerably worse with the withdrawal than without it. So if you fear that in the future the talks may stall then there is a problem with the withdrawal.

Pinhasi: We are following a trend that the talks won’t stall in the future either. That the process should continue until a final agreement is reached.

IMRA: That means assuming that at every stage of the talks they won’t stall.

Pinhasi: Right.

IMRA: I understand. That means that you are assuming that the Palestinians will never raise a demand which you won’t be able to accept.

Pinhasi: Right.

IMRA: I understand. So everything they demand they can get.

Pinhasi: Not everything they demand. That’s why the prime minister and minister of defense are carefully guiding towards the final stages, with American guarantees and the need for reciprocity. That Arafat also has to keep all of his obligations: to fight terror, to change the Palestinians Charter. We insist on all of this also.

IMRA: That is to say that if Netanyahu drops his demand that the Palestinian Charter be amended then you won’t support him?

Pinhasi: If Binyamin Netanyahu gives up on it then we will understand that he has reached the conclusion that he has to give up on it and we will support him.

Dr. Aaron Lerner,
Director IMRA (Independent Media Review & Analysis)
P.O.BOX 982 Kfar Sava
Tel: (+972-9) 760-4719
Fax: (+972-9) 741-1645
imra@netvision.net.il

US Government Reclassification of the PLO

TEXT: Presidential Determination: Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) – 3rd June 1998 (President waives provisions of Anti-Terrorism Act of 1987)

Clinton waives the provisions of section 1003 of the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1987, regarding the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) through November 26, 1998.

Following is the text of the Presidential Determination:

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Cleveland, Ohio)

For Immediate Release
June 3, 1998

Presidential Determination
No. 98-29

Memorandum for the Secretary of State

SUBJECT: Waiver and Certification of Statutory Provisions Regarding the Palestine Liberation Organization

Pursuant to the authority vested in me under section 539(d) of the Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 1998, Public Law 105-118, I hereby determine and certify that it is important to the national security interests of the United States to waive the provisions of section 1003 of the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1987, Public Law 100-204, through November 26, 1998.

You are authorized and directed to transmit this determination to the Congress and to publish it in the Federal Register.

William J. Clinton

The Historical Record: Clinton’s “Waivers” of The PLO

Clinton’s “waivers” of the PLO “before” congress cut off all FUNDING TO THE PLO UNDER THE Middle East Peace Facilitation Act [MEPFA]
From 1994 through November 1997.

Presidential Determination No. 94-30 of June 30, 1994

Suspending Restrictions on U.S. Relations With the Palestine Liberation Organization


Presidential Determination No. 96-8 of January 4, 1996

Suspending Restrictions on U.S. Relations With the Palestine Liberation Organization


Presidential Determination No. 96-20 of April 1, 1996

Suspending Restrictions on U.S. Relations With the Palestine Liberation Organization


Presidential Determination No. 96-32 of June 14, 1996 Suspending Restrictions on U.S. Relations With the Palestine Liberation Organization


Presidential Determination No. 96-41 of August 12, 1996 Suspending Restrictions on U.S. Relations With the Palestine Liberation Organization


Presidential Determination No. 97-17-February 21, 1997- Suspending Restrictions on U.S. Relations With the Palestine Liberation Organization


Clinton’s “waivers” of the PLO “after” Congress cut off all funding to the PLO under the MEPFA that ran out towards the end of November 1997

Presidential Determination No. 98-8 of December 5, 1997 Presidential Determination on Waiver and Certification of Statutory Provisions Regarding the Palestine Liberation Organization


Presidential Determination No. 98-29 – June 3, 1998 – Waiver and Certification of Statutory Provisions Regarding the Palestine Liberation Organization

Al-Ahram: Unrepentant Terrorist, Jerusalem Construction, Jordan

The following are selections from articles which appeared in the Egyptian English weekly, “Al-Ahram” of Al-Ahram Weekly 28th May – 3rd June, 1998

Tourist Killers Unrepentant to the End
by Shaden Shehab

[Heading:] Two brothers, sentenced to death for killing 9 German tourists and their Egyptian driver, were hanged inside a Cairo prison

Saber and Mahmoud Farahat were hanged on Sunday for attacking a tourist bus outside the Egyptian Museum in Tahir Square with firebombs and bullets. Nine Germans and the Egyptian driver were killed in the 18 September [1997] attack.

… Six accomplices were convicted of providing the bus assailants with weapons or instructing them in how to make the primitive bombs they used in the attack. They were sentenced each to between one and 10 years’ imprisonment with hard labour.

… The two brothers showed no regrets…. Saber went first…. clutching a copy of the Holy Qur’an. He told reporters what he had said already during the trial, that he was not a member of any terrorist group, although he sympathised with the ideology of the anti-government Jihad organization.

Asked whether he regretted what he did, Saber responded: “I have no regrets because my action was Jihad for the sake of God.” Reminded that the killing of innocent people was not Jihad, Saber said: “Yes, it is, because they are infidels.”

… The two brothers, upon hearing the death sentence on 30th October [1997], had hugged each other and repeatedly shouted Allahu akbar (God is great). Saber told reporters that a death sentence was like a “feast day”

During the trial, Saber told the reporters that his only regret was that the victims of the attack were not Jews. The attack, he said, was an act of revenge for a cartoon drawn by an Israeli woman depicting the Prophet Mohamed as a pig.

The underground Al-Gama’a Al-Islamiya had hailed the two brothers as Mujahideen and said they “acted in accordance with what their religion and belief dictate.”

… Saber had committed an earlier crime on 27 October 1993 when he opened fire on a group of foreigners inside the coffee shop of the Semiramis Hotel. Two Frenchmen and an American were killed and another American, a Syrian and an Italian were wounded.

Saber was not put on trial at the time because an examination by psychiatrists at the government’s Abbasiya Mental Hospital… confirmed that he was schizophrenic.

… The investigation into the bus attack revealed that Saber used to bribe doctors and nurses to allow him to leave and return at will [to El-Khanka Mental Hospital]…. The head of the mental hospital, Nessim Abdel-Malek, was sentenced to life imprisonment and fined LE4,000 — the estimated total of the bribes he received from Saber. Three male nurses were sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment each, two to five years and three to three years. The three sentenced to 10 years were additionally ordered to pay fines of ranging between LE1,000 and 3,600, also the estimated total of the bribes they received from Saber.

Settling for Provocation
by Graham Usher

[Heading:] As Israeli settlers establish yet more ‘homes’ in the Muslim quarter of [Old City] Jerusalem, Graham Usher reports from an increasingly tense city

One day after Israel commemorated the 31st anniversary of the occupation of East Jerusalem settlers demonstrated the means by which Israel has not only tightened its hold on the city in the intervening years but, should the settlers and others of their ilk get there way, will continue to do so in the future.

… the settlers wasted no time in establishing one more Jewish “fact” to add to the 60 or so properties Muskowitch, or groups financed by him, have acquired in the Muslim Quarter over the last decade. By Tuesday morning the settlers had laid eight cement floors, installed water and electricity and set up seven “temporary homes” to house themselves until the Yeshiva [school] is built. And despite having no municipal permit for the construction, the site was guarded by the Israeli Border Police as well as “private” security agents. A cruel irony: the floors were being laid by Palestinian workers.

The Palestinian leadership was typically slow to react. Apart from the presence of Faisal Husseini, the PLO’s head of Jerusalem affairs, the only protest against the settlers’ actions on Monday came from Israel’s Peace Now movement. But on Tuesday members of the Palestinian Legislative Council voted to suspend its session in Ramallah and go, en masse, to confront Israel’s latest Jewish settlement in Jerusalem. Forcing their way onto the site, scuffles broke out between the PLC members and the Border Police, leaving at least one Palestinian injured and one “temporary home” destroyed.

Calm was eventually restored when the PLC speaker, Ahmed Qrei (Abu Alaa), met with Israel’s Internal Security Minister, Avigdor Kahalani, who announced that a court “restraining order” had been placed on construction in the name of the municipality and Israel’s Antiquities Department. The latter had petitioned that the settlers’ building had already done damage to the ancient wall that rings the Old City.

But no Palestinian will put much stock in a court ruling to right this wrong. Past experiences — such as the Ras Al-Amud settlement last September — suggests a more likely scenario. The settlers will stay put while a court debates the legality of their presence and in the meantime another new settlement will quietly be implanted in the heart of a densely populated Palestinian neighborhood.

King’s Pardon Rebuffed
by Lola Keilani

[Heading:] The jailed independent Islamist opposition figure, Laith Shbeilat, shocked Jordanians when he turned down a royal pardon.

Laith Shbeilat, the leading Islamist opposition figure who earlier this year helped secure the release of Jordanian prisoners held in Iraq, last week rejected King Hussein’s royal pardon, insisting on completing his nine-month prison term if other political prisoners in Jordan were not released.

In a letter sent from jail, Shbeilat said, “I reject the royal pardon” unless it includes ” prisoners who have spent reasonable time in jail and who do not pose a threat to security.” The government did not comment on Shbeilat’s demand.

A former member of parliament and president of the Jordanian Anti-normalization (with Israel) Front, Shbeilat was sentenced to nine months in prison by a military state security court in early May after he was convicted of instigating the pro-Iraqi Ma’an riots in February.

… Shbeilat’s decision embarrassed the presidents of professional syndicates who had asked the king to pardon the opposition figure during a meeting last week. The syndicates, with a membership of 80,000 people, were the major force behind Shbeilat’s campaign to stop the normalization of relations with Israel. Jordan and Israel signed a peace agreement in 1994.

… Shbeilat, a former president of the Jordan Engineers’ Association for three terms, already had been pardoned twice by King Hussein in 1992 and 1996, after being convicted by the State Security Court of treason and insulting the monarch.

Peace Now Encourages Immigrants to Move to Settlements

“Haaretz” correspondent Alex Somech reports in the June 5th issue of “Haaretz” that in recent months “Peace Now” has organized 4 bus trips for new immigrants to see settlements. Mossy Raz, Political Secretary Peace Now, told Somech that Peace Now has raised several hundred thousand shekels “and we plan to bring thousands of immigrants, who are principally exposed to the Right, to see what is happening here.”

Somech joined a bus trip and reports that – “What really interested the immigrants was principally the prices of housing in the settlements. ‘The government gives grants to those who come to live there,’ explained Raz, ‘for 40 thousand dollars it is possible to buy a house, but more than 5,000 houses stand empty and there are no buyers.’ He added ‘when Yitzhak Rabin came to power in 1992, many of the settlers wanted to leave, but the prices of their homes crashed and they couldn’t sell them.’

But this did not cool the interest of the immigrant in a ‘cheap house with garden’ in the territories, and an argument broke out in the bus around the question ‘is it worthwhile to convince the children to buy a house here.’ ‘Where is there another place that it is possible to buy a home at such a price?’ They asked each other again and again.

At the Eli settlement the immigrants asked to get off the bus to go into the empty homes. Peter Kaplan, 70 from Tel Aviv, was impressed with the construction. ‘I love terra cotta roofs and an attached garden, I need a house just like this,’ he told his friends. Ina Greenebrg, 67 from Ramat Gan, said that she is ready to live there with her husband. ‘I don’t have an apartment now and am ready to accept almost anything,’ she explained. Dima Yankiviya, 73, from Tel Aviv, was uncertain. ‘It is very nice here, but where is a theater and library?’ One of the guides said cynically that ‘there is a pretty nice synagogue here.’

At the end of the trip, when they returned to Jerusalem, some of the immigrants asked to ‘tour Har Homa’. The translator explained, ‘maybe next trip.’ (“Haaretz” 5 June, 1998)

Dr. Aaron Lerner,
Director IMRA (Independent Media Review & Analysis)
P.O.BOX 982 Kfar Sava
Tel: (+972-9) 760-4719
Fax: (+972-9) 741-1645
imra@netvision.net.il

Making the Palestine Authority More Palatable for the Israeli Public to Swallow

On June 3, 1998, the US state department removed the PLO from the list of terrorist organizations. There was no response from the Israeli government. Indeed, Israel state radio reported the item only twice, on the early morning hours of June 4, and Israel state TV ignored it completely.

On June 4, a visiting delegation from NIPAC, that is, the Dutch equivalent of AIPAC, reported to the Israeli government that their government was financing the virulent anti-Israeli textbooks in the new schools of the Palestine Authority. These textbooks are now being scrutinized by Palestine Media Review, an agency that studies texts and media in the Palestine Authority. The Israeli government officials conveyed no reply to NIPAC.

Meanwhile, the Israeli government press office revealed that the head of the Palestine Authority preventive security services, Jabril Rajoub, had issued a “green light” for Hamas to resume terror activity in areas not under the control of the Palestine Authority. When I asked the Israeli prime minister’s office if Rajoub’s actions would affect policy, I could not get an answer.

And when I asked Danny Naveh, the cabinet secretary, about PA violations and how they would affect the continuing peace process, Naveh answered only in general terms that “Israel has asked for cessation of violations ” from the PA. Meanwhile, Israel state radio and TV, under the direct ministerial supervision of the Prime Minister’s office, have not been reporting the daily incitement as reported on the official Palestine Broadcasting Corporation TV and radio.

The Israeli state TV and radio have hardly reported the triumphal return to Gaza of Mahmud Abbas, the man who murdered Leon Klinghoffer in 1985. The Israeli state TV and radio gave only muted press reports to Israeli attorney general Elyakim Rubenstein’s decision not to ask for the arrest of Abbas. The Israeli state TV and radio have stopped any follow-up stories concerning the fact that the PA refuses to arrest any of the thirty two identified killers who have been awarded

Meanwhile, on June 7, Israel’s Commercial Channel Two, which operates under a 50% funding from the Israeli ministry of communications, ran a half hour positive profile of Mohammad Dahlan, the no. #2 man in the PA preventive security services. The Israeli TV reporter did not ask Dahlan about the killers who run freely within the area under his direct control. In other words, the Israeli government, through its releases from the Israeli government press office, goes through the motions of condemning Palestine Authority violations of the peace process. These condemnations widely circulate in the US Congress and the United Nations.

However, the Israeli government does not do that in Israel. Instead, the Israeli government is softening up the Israeli public to deal with the Palestine Authority by obfuscating much bad news about the PLO and the Palestine Authority from the Israeli people.

It is instructive to note that the Israeli government press office, also under the direction of the office of the Israeli prime minister, has not held a single press conference or media briefing concerning Palestine Authority violations of the accord. While Netanyahu flew to the US with two women whose loved ones had been murdered by Palestinian Arabs who had taken refuge inside the PA, the Israeli prime minister have never made any such performance in Israel to “bring home” the killer issue to Israeli public opinion.

A New Acceptance of the American Role

At this point in time, the role of the American government as arbiter of the conflict has become more widely accepted and reported. In the American peace plan that was leaked to HaAretz on June 4th would place the American government as the determinant of PA compliance with issues such as the arrest of murderers who have escaped to the areas under PA control.

Not everyone in Israel would agree to define the American perspective as objective.

For example, the American-Israeli Boim family of Jerusalem received no less than three official letters from the US embassy during 1997 that the murderer of their teenage son David had been arrested by the Palestine Authority and that the killer was sitting in a PA jail.

However, the PA did not arrest the killer of David Boim until February 2, 1998, following a direct request on the matter made by President Clinton to Yassir Arafat.

Most recently, the Jerusalem chapter of the Association of Americans and Canadians in Israel made an unprecedented appeal to Clinton to demand that Arafat arrest and hand over the other ten killers of Americans who have taken refuge inside the Palestine Authority.

Meanwhile, the press spokesman of the American consulate in Jerusalem has refused to answer any questions concerning whether the American government has even brought up the issue of killers being awarded asylum within the area under the control of the Palestine Authority.

Yitzhak Mordecai in Jordan: Reflective of Government Policy

The visit of Israel Defence Minister Yitzhak Mordecai with Jordanian King Hussein and Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak was accompanied by a series of press statements that emerged from Mordecai’s press aide and from Mordecai himself, all of which indicated that Israel would engage in a unilateral withdrawals from major areas of empty lands in the Judean desert and the Samarian Hills, without any real demand from reciprocity from the Palestine Authority.

Mordecai’s statement that a withdrawal is in the offing remains a statement that reflects the Israeli government attitude to the Palestine Authority and the Oslo process at this time.

The Case of the Missing Children Part One:

ESHHAR, December 15, 1997: Monday, October 13, 1997, was a suspenseful day at Beit Agron, the Government press center in Jerusalem, where the official Government committee investigating the disappearance of Yemenite and other Jewish children in the years 1948-1954 conducts weekly hearings each Monday.

Mrs. Sarah Leicht was the first person to testify. She worked as a nurse at a WIZO (Women’s International Zionist Organization) child-care center in Tev Aviv in 1950. There, Sarah received on-the-job training as a nurse while caring for children each day from the morning until 2-3 P.M. The WIZO center was called “The Institute for Care of Mother and Child.” Mrs. Leicht said that the Institute was, in fact, an adoption center. She stated that the director of the Institute was Mrs. Ravina Kish, while the assistant director was a Mrs. Barbash. The staff doctor was a Mrs. Shapira.

The children they took care of at the Institute were usually between the ages of one day and 2 years. After they reached the age of two, the children were moved into an infant care center, run by a Mrs. Releh.

Mrs. Leicht showed the Government committee a photo of herself and one of the children for whom she cared. She especially remembers this child, named Dervish, as she loved him very much. She gave the committee a copy of the photo.

After her hearing I asked Mrs. Leicht to show me the original photo. I examined this and other photos of the WIZO Institute. It appeared to me that this “institute” was one of many that took stolen children, sold them, and classified the transactions as “adoption.”

Mrs. Leicht recalled the day when Dervish was given to a Polish Jewish family from Jaffa. The caretakers and nurses at the Institute were told not to attempt any contact with Dervish or his new parents, in case they saw them in the streets, as Dervish was adopted by a family in Jaffa, a short distance away. Mrs. Leicht searched for Dervish among the babies she saw on the streets, but she never saw him again.

Mrs. Leicht was asked if she recalled any babies dying during their stay in the Wizo Institute. She said “no”, even though she did recall an isolated case where they found a one day old baby in a dumpster. This was extremely unusual, she said, as she remembered the care for the babies at the Institute as being wonderful and warm.

Mr. Dachbash Salah and his family, of Yeminite origin, were the next witnesses to testify. Their daughter Zarah was taken from them in the Rosh HaAyin immigrant camp. Mr. Dachbash recalled that their entire family was taken directly from the plane to the Rosh HaAyin camp. Two weeks after they arrived at the camp, Zarah was separated from the family and taken to a “baby house” inside the camp. Zarah was two years old at the time and had recently stopped breast feeding.

The Salah family loved Zarah. They visited her every day in the “baby house” for at least two weeks. One day the Salahs were invited to Dachbash’s aunt in Ramat Gan for the weekend. The aunt and her family had already been in Israel for some time before Dachbash arrived from Yemen.

When Dachbash and his family returned to the immigrant camp from their visit to Ramat Gan they went to visit Zarah at the “baby house,” where they were told she had died.

Dachbash said that he asked the “baby house” staff when Zarah died, and they told him that she died on Friday. He had seen his daughter on Friday morning, and she seemed fine. He asked them what was the precise cause and time of Zarah’s death. The staff had no answer for him.

Dachbash has searched in vain for Zarah’s grave for almost 50 years, with no results. Zarah’s I.D. number was given in the committee – 1054761. Zarah was the third child in the family.

Dachbash’s oldest daughter, Leah, also testified. She was 9 or 10 years old when Zarah was taken from them. Leah said that they lived in a tent, while Zarah was taken to a building which served as the infant center. She said that they visited Zarah every day, even on the Friday when she was taken from them. Leah remembered seeing Zarah that morning, healthy and happy. Lead was sure that Zarah was healthy and looked good.

Mrs. Yehudit Veintrop, case number 68/97, was the third person to testify. Mrs. Veintrop came to Israel from Poland, and her husband came from Bulgaria. On December 1, 1951, their son Eliezer was born. When he was eight days old, Eliezer was circumcised. A few days later he developed a minor cough. The Veintrops called a doctor to look at Eliezer. The doctor told them that Eliezer was completely healthy.

Afterwards, another doctor came to look at Eliezer, and told the Veintrops that he must be taken to a hospital. Eliezer was taken to Hadassah Hospital. When Mr. Veintrop went to see Eliezer the next day, he was told that Eliezer had died.

Mrs. Veintrop husband was the fourth person to testify. He remembered that Elizer was placed in the children’s ward of Hadassah Hospital on Balfour St. When Mr. Veintrop came to see Eliezer the next day, a nurse told him that Eliezer had died and would be buried the next day in the Givat Shaul cemetary. Mr. Veintrop asked to see Eliezer’s body on the spot, but the nurse told him that there was nothing to see.

The next day, Mr. Veintrop went to the Givat Shaul cemetary and asked to see Eliezer’s grave. He was told that according to Jewish law a child under the age of 30 days is not buried individually. Eliezer was 21 days old when he “died.” Mr. Veintrop said that he went to the Hospital the day before at 10 A.M., when he was told Eliezer was dead. Mr. Veintrop said that Eliezer only had a cold. At no point did the Veintrops receive a death certificate or any documentation about Eliezer.

Rabbi Menachem Porush, case number 102/97 was the fifth person to testify. During the period when the children disappeared, Rabbi Porush was Secretary of the Agudat Israel Party. Agudat Israel held the Welfare Ministry portfolio in the Ben-Gurion government.

Rabbi Porush said that he discussed the disappearance of the children with Ben-Gurion. Ben Gurion said that he knew nothing about this and asked Porush for proof.

At this point in Rabbi Porush’s testimony, a man attending the Government committee hearing yelled at Rabbi Porush, demanding that he reveal all that he knows. A guard asked the man to leave the hearing room. At this point the man became even more furious, and yelled at the guard, telling the guard that he was a police officer and knew his job better than did the guard. The argument between the man and the guard became violent when the guard tried to forcibly remove the man from the hearing room. Other guards came to assist in evicting this man and the entire press contingent followed them out of the hearing room. I later found out that this man was Yitzhak Kerem, who was a cop, ranked superintendent, and quit the force when he “learned of the corruption in the system”. Kerem has since been working on

Rabbi Porush resumed testifying before the committee. The committee chairman, retired Supreme Court Judge Yehuda Cohen, criticised Rabbi Porush for failing to provide enough specific facts. Judge Cohen said that he had hoped Rabbi Porush would provide some details about the case, and that he was disappointed when Rabbi Porush failed to do so.

Another observer, Mr. Yinon Gispan, also began to yell at the committee, claiming that they were engaged in a coverup. Mr. Gispan angrily left the hearing room, and called upon everyone who agreed with him to leave as well. Half of the audience got up and walked out with Mr. Gispan, with most of the media following them as well.

As Rabbi Porush continued his testimony, it was alleged that Arutz 2 reporter Matti Cohen had said that Rabbi Porush gave him names of people involved in the case, off the record, but that Rabbi Porush was afraid to reveal the names of the people publicly. As discussion on this continued, a woman in the audience stood up and said calmly, “Matti Cohen is right here. Why argue about it when you can just ask Matti Cohen?”

A guard removed this woman from the hearing room as well. She did not put up a struggle. Less than a minute later, the committee called upon Matti Cohen to testified. Mr. Cohen said that he had blown Rabbi Porush’s words out of proportion. He claimed that Rabbi Porush had only said that some of the people in positions of power at the time were still alive and that the committee should also call them to testify, in case these people have information that the committee is not yet aware of.

Matti Cohen told the committee that he would give them a tape recording of his entire 19 minutes’ discussion with Rabbi Porush following the hearing.

The discussion in question between Matti Cohen and Rabbi took place during a press conference given by “Mishkan Ohalim,” Yeminite Rabbi Uzi Meshulam’s organization, at the Central Hotel in Jerusalem, owned by former Agudat Israel Knesset member Avraham Shapira. Most of the mainstream Israeli media attended the press conference, as well as did Knesset Members Rabbi Benny Elon (Moledet) and Eliezer “Mudi” Zandberg (Tsomet).

Also present was Rabbi Yaakov Silvani of “Mishkan Ohalim.” Rabbi Silvani noted a dozen individual cases where lost children found their families. In each case, the Government committee sent the children and families a “case closed” letter without revealing this to the press or public. One cased involved a man named Uri Vachtel, who addressed the press conference by phone from abroad. Vachtel was scheduled to visit Israel after Succot.

Mr. Vachtel was born Paltiel Ben-Tov in the Ein-Shemer Wizo Institute. Paltiel was stolen from his parents, renamed “Uri,” and given for adoption by the Wizo institute to the Vachtel family. Uri was moved to the Wizo Institute from the Atlit immigration camp, where his parents were living at the time. Another boy named Chaim was also moved with him from the Atlit camp to the WIZO Instiute.

Uri said he would undergo D.N.A. tests in the United States before coming to Israel. The first lawyer to deal with the Vachtel case was Yaakov Harrari.

Also brought up at the press conference was the issue of blank birth and death certificates that had been signed by the Interior Ministry. The certificates were found with the assistance of Yehudit Hivner, a retired high-ranking Interior Ministry official.

An article about the blank birth and death certificates appeared in the June 13, 1996 edition of “Yediot Acharonot.” In the article, “Hivner was asked to explain how, after the census of 1962, the Interior Ministry sent hundreds of letters to the families of the missing Yemenite children, telling them that their dear ones had ‘left the country.’ Brigadier General David Maimon even presented to her two conflicting certificates, one of them saying that a child named Joseph Cohen died on November 26, 1951, and the second, that the same child left Israel in 1962.”

There are many instances where certificates contradict one another. I have personally reviewed hundreds of the certificates myself. Hivner was only one of several people asked about these contradictions. Their response was uniformly the same.

“… In many cases, the names of the biological parents of children who were adopted in the ’50s weren’t even known. This fact comes from the terrible mess the records of children, who were taken to hospitals, were in. When the children recovered, their identity was not known, and so there was no possibility to return them to their parents.”

I ask my readers to note this claim that there was ‘confusion in the documentation.’ It is a key argument that forms an essential part of the official coverup on this question. Keep it in mind, for we will return to this point as our investigation continues.

I will give Mrs. Hivner credit for one revealing admission, as recorded in the Yediot Aharonot article. “These children were taken to institutes and kibbutzim, and many were given out to adoption. Hivner pointed out that the adopting parents ‘not only changed the childrens’ names, but also their I.D. numbers, so they would not be able to be traced “.

The Case of a Missing Children Part Two

ESHHAR, February 15, 1997, Root & Branch: Although the issue of the missing Yemenite and other Jewish children is well known in Israel, I understand that it is virtually unknown abroad.

This issue involves thousands of children who were taken, sometimes forcably, from their biological parents while in hospitals or childcare homes, then sold both in Israel and abroad for substantial sums (that varied from case to case), or given out for adoption, while their parents were told that the children had died. In most cases, when the parents asked about the cause of death or requested a death certificate or other documentation confirming the death of their children, they were ignored and their requests went unanswered.

They never saw a body. In most cases, not even a burial spot was seen. In a few cases, however, graves were shown to the families. Some of those graves, later on, were dug up by parents who did not believe that their beloved, healthy child truly died overnight. The graves were found empty.

These activities were carried out by doctors, nurses, social workers and other members of the Israeli Establishment at that time. I have heard many “moral” justifications given for taking these children from their parents. I do not believe any are legitimate. It seems to me that the real reason for the kidnapping of the children was money. People in positions of power at the time that the State of Israel was established profited from the abduction and sale of children from poor immigrant families.

This practice continued on at least into the early 1960s. Some say that it still continues, although on a much smaller scale.

One common misconception is that these abuses were practiced against Yemenite Jews alone. While researching this issue I have concluded that the victims also included immigrant Jews from Tunis, Spain, Morocco, Lybia, Iraq, Iran, and Belgium, to name a few countries. In most cases, the immigrants came from Middle Eastern countries.

The number of kidnapped children has been estimated at around 2,400 by the official investigating committee. When Rabbi Uzi Meshullam was still collecting evidence, he gathered the names of 4,500 children. I believe that the real number is much larger than that. I have found that many families never reported the disappearance of a child. I estimate that approximately 10,000 children were kidnapped and sold, and I would not be surprised if the real number is higher.

In future installments, I will present detailed, individual cases, including descriptions of some of those involved in perpetrating this crime.