An Ugly Distortion of Justice

It is 1985. You are a young American Jew of the post-Holocaust generation, employed in the US Naval Intelligence. Your loyalty to your country of birth has never been in question. But you are also a Jew, one stamped with the “Never Again” vow and a love and admiration for Israel, its ultimate guarantor.

Across your desk comes a flow of information that seems deliberately designed to test the veracity of that vow and that love. It is intelligence of the most disturbing nature concerning inter alia, the existence and location of Arab chemical warfare and nuclear development facilities, the size and strength of PLO and other terrorist positions within striking distance of Israel, and the deployment of massive quantities of American weapons sold to Saudi Arabia over the past decade. You have also seen evidence pointing to possible serious Egyptian breeches of the Sinai demilitarization provisions of the Camp David Accords.showbox for ios

You are convinced that this is the kind of information that could spell the difference between victory and defeat for Israel in another round. You also know that it is being routinely, calculatedly withheld in violation of America’s repeated pledge that Israel would suffer no strategic disadvantage as a result of US arms sales to the Arabs or its agreeing to hand over its Sinai buffer to Egypt. You know that America is playing fast and loose with Israel’s security.

You have two alternatives: (1) Keep silent about the intelligence that has come into your possession using loyalty, duty, or self-interest to justify your silence; (2) Sound the alarm in the only effective way possible – relaying these facts to Israel, whatever the personal cost.

Those who say they would chose silence must know that by that decision they would reincarnate and legitimize the Jewish silence of the 1940’s, the conspiracy that may have consigned hundreds of thousands of European Jews to avoidable extermination. The rest of us would choose to sound the alarm, even at the risk of being accused of “dual loyalty”, even at the risk of being charged with “treason”, and in so doing we would, each of us, become Jonathan Jay Pollard.

What this episode tells American Jews about themselves is disquieting. One ight have assumed, nearly a century after the great East European Jewish immigration, that this second and third generation of American Jews, with its pacemakers in the arts, sciences, professions, business, and politics, was free of the anxieties and insecurity of its immigrant forebears. In fact, it turns out that in the paranoia department, our great uncle from Byalistok couldn’t carry our shoes. What else can explain the shower of renunciatory Op-Ed articles, the frantically apologetic letters to the editor, the organized proclamations of contrition that came in the wake of Pollard’s conviction?

Pollard’s real sin was that he had put a tack under the fat, complacent position of Jews in American society. Better he should have remained silent about the dangers he saw threatening Israel than that their tranquillity should have been disturbed.

We also discovered that the canard of “dual loyalty” thought to have been laid to rest by Justice Louis Brandeis half a century ago, was alive and well – in the timorous hearts of untold numbers of American Jews. With no urging from their non-Jewish compatriots they came out of the woodwork in droves to confess that their might now be a conflict between their loyalty to America’s interests and the security of the only nation in the Middle East which embodies those interests.

Another sobering revelation of the Pollard affair was the discovery that to this new legion of “Jewish Americans” the promise made to our martyrs and renewed each year on the Day of Remembrance, Never Again to stand silent in the face of any threat to any portion of the Jewish people was not worth it’s weight in breath. With what alacrity they took to the hills the moment one man had the temerity to display the courage of their conviction.

But perhaps the most disheartening discovery we have made about ourselves is our virtual loss of the capacity for honest righteous rage. Erich Remarque, the brilliant diarist of the Hitler-driven generation of the 1940’s, observed in his last book Shadows in Paradise, that maybe Jews were “too neurasthenic” for real anger. Because of that, he wrote: “their hatred had no stamina; it soon gave way to resignation and, to preserve their self-respect, they turned their energies to understanding the enemy.”

We have surely by now had more than our fill of Jews who make a career of understanding the enemy, be it the “students”cum rock-throwing terrorists of Bir Zeit, the “Poor Palestinians” who ask for nothing more than a “homeland” from which to prepare a final assault on Tel Aviv, or the East Jerusalem “journalist” so “undemocratically” barred from circulating his incendiary hate sheet. Their unmitigated contempt for the self-haters in Israel who are trying so hard to “understand” them is surely no greater than that displayed by Caspar Weinberger (Secretary of Defense) towards 5.7 million American Jews when he declared that it was contrary to America’s interests for either side in the Middle East conflict – read Israel – to achieve strategic dominance in the region? Pollard’s “crime” he said in effect was his attempt to provide Israel with the Intelligence (deliberately withheld by the Pentagon) vital to maintaining the ‘edge’ over an Arab foe vastly superior in numbers, resources, and hardware – and thus subvert the Defense Department’s policy of keeping Israel on the strategic defensive.

If the American Jewish community, fully aware that it was precisely this strategic edge that save Israel’s life in five wars of intended nnihilation, had an iota of righteous anger left in its system, it would have risen to a man to demand Weinberger’s resignation. Instead, like Remarque’s hopeless neurathenics they fell over themselves in a rush to understand Weinberger and Co. and turned their fury inward on Pollard, the young Jew who had thrown it all away – his name, his freedom, his life – to warn Israel and the Jewish people of the dangers threatening them. They did not even raise their voices when a conscienceless prosecutor and a vindictive judge, sensing the opportunity for cheap self-aggrandizement at the expense of a young Jew obviously abandoned by his people, conspired to sentence him to a lifetime behind bars, callously abrogating an agreement to treat his case with a modicum of perspective in return for the “full cooperation” he gave the authorities. And when, his bloodlust still unsated, Weinberger protested that life in prison was too lenient a punishment for Pollard, did the “Jewish Americans” even raise their voices? Most of them his in the corner, silent witnesses to one of the ugliest distortions of justice in American history.

William Mehlman is editor of The Insiders Chronicle, a weekly financial newsletter in New York

Thirty Years After Jerusalem is United Under Israel’s Rule, Servicing Jerusalem’s Arab Minority Comes into Question

June 1997 marked thirty years since the momentous six day war thrust Israel in control of both parts of the city of Jerusalem.

That war followed a period of nineteen years, during which no Jew was allowed to live, pray or enter the Old City or any part of East Jerusalem. During those years, Arab municpal authorities in East Jerusalem obliterated all synagogues, cemeteries and or any trace of a Jewish presence in the Old City of Jerusalem.

The period of 1948-1967 was the first time since the 1099 Crusader massacre of Jerusalem’s Jews that the Jewish people were barred from the Holy City of Jerusalem.

Teddy Kollek, who was Mayor of Jerusalem at the time of the 1967 six day war and remained such until 1993, addressed the Middle East Forum at the Radisson Moriah Hotel in Jerusalem on June 5, on the anniversary of the Six Day War.

Kollek mentioned matter of factly that he wanted to facilitate an irreversable process of Israeli presence in every section of Jerusalem. To accomplish that purpose, Kollek declared, he was determined to settle Israelis in every area of Jerusalem, as his answer to the policies that had excluded Jews from some areas.

Teddy Kollek mentioned the other challenge that he sought to achieve for Jerusalem’s future was to improve and equalize every level of medical, social and educational service for Jerusalem’s Arab population.

Kollek candidly stated that he had not full accomplished the goal of equalization of services during his tenor as Mayor.

Kollek did point to the fact that the Jeruslaem municpality, under his direction, had pioneered social, educational and medical facilities for Arabs, where few had existed before. Kollek was proud to say that he gave orders to leave the Jordanian curriculum in tact, except for what Kollek described as the Arab arithmetic lessons which said that “if you have ten Jews and you kill six of them you have still have four Jews”

Kollek was not alone in reflecting that the inequality of services for Jerusalem’s Arab population reflects an oversight to be addressed. The Arab human rights expert, Bassam Eid, who was one of half a dozen experts to address the IPCRI conference on the occasion of the thirtieth year to Israel establishing its permanent presence in Jeruslem, presented facts and figures concerning the lack of resources made available to the Arabs in Jerusalem. The Israeli human rights group Bitzelem followed with a blistering thirtieth year report that addressed the difficulties faced by Arabs at the district office of the Israel Ministry of Interior

David Cassuto, Jerusalem’s deputy mayor, chose the month of June 1997 to go on the hustings and address every possible audience with a clear message; Cassuto followed Kollek at the Middle East Forum and presented a paper that encouraged Jerusalem’s Arab population to organize themselves into a voting bloc that could potentionally take at least nine seats on Jerusalem’s municipality. “If the black hats can do it, why can’t you”, asked Cassuto.

Playing on the theme that “taxation requires representation”, Cassuto spent a good portion of the month of June in meetings with Jerusalem’s Arab leaders, imploring them to break the tabu of participation in Jerusalem’s electoral process in the forthcoming 1998 munipality elections. Cassuto stressed in every meeting with Jerusalem’s Arabs that he was not asking them to relinquish whatever attitude they have to Zionism, Israel or to Israel’s national elections.

Current Palestinian Arab understanding of Israel’s presence in Jerusalem was reflected in a study produced and presented by the University of Maryland’s Dr Jerome Segal and Al Najach University Professor Nadar Said, who together presented the first comprehensive study of Palestinian Arab views to the subject of Jerusalem in the peace process at the Jerusalem Center for Policy Studies.

Segal and Said showed that Palestinian Arabs, both in Jerusalem and in the areas under the jurisdiction of the Palestine Authority, now recognize a permanent Israeli presence in all parts of Jerusalem where Jews reside – showing that Arabs cope with the changed Jerusalem reality in a way that had never existed before.

Yet senior Palestine Authority researcher Walid Awad, who addressed the Middle East Forum with Kollek and Cassuto, declared that it was the policy of the Palestine Authority that no Palestinian Arab should partipate in Jerusalem’s municipal elections, until Israel withdraws to the 1967 lines that existed in Jerusalem prior to 1967. The audience at the Radisson Moriah Hotel gasped at the thought that Ramot, Gilo, Ramat Eshkol, French Hill, Neve Yaakov, East Talpiot and the Old City would have to revert to Arab rule as part of a peace settlement in the future.

Awad’s statement of PA Jerusalem policy reflected another side of Segal and Said’s study, that presented two findings that reflected Palestinian Arab popular support for Awad’s position: Segal and Said found that 94% of Palestinian Arabs surveyed stated they could never accept Israel’s permanent sovereignty over all of Jerusalem and 72% declared that they would “use any means” to regain independence for the Arabs of Jerusalem.

David Cassuto’s campaign for Arab political participation in Jerusalem’s political process has fallen on deaf ears of the PLO, the Palestine Authority, and the leaders of Jerusalem’s Arab population.

The question that Arab Jerusalemites will have to cope with in the near future remains: Does an underserviced and unrepresented Arab population in Jerusalem’s municipality serve their best interests?

Hanegbi Ducks Commitment Regarding Extradition

Minister of Justice Tzachi Hanegbi said in an interview published in Haaretz on January 22nd that “I plan soon to submit requests for the extradition of the murderers of Ita and Efraim Tzur and if this request is not fulfilled I will demand that the negotiations with the Palestinians unilaterally stop.”

IMRA asked the spokeswoman for the Minister of Justice last week if there has been any change in Hanegbi’s position linking the talks to the extradition request.

The spokeswoman replied today that “the requests were submitted at the end of March and the talks are frozen.”

The spokeswoman also told IMRA that the Israeli government has not yet presented a request to the Palestinian Authority (PA) for the transfer of the three terrorists from the Tzurif Hamas cell that the PA has been holding since early April so they can be prosecuted in Israel. The cell was responsible for a series of murderous attacks, including the kidnap-murder of Sharon Edry.

On May 1st, the spokeswoman explained that the Ministry of Justice is preparing the request and that it is not yet possible to predict when the request will be completed.

Today the spokeswoman said that the matter was still under the investigation of the security branches.

A number of government and opposition MK’s have come out in support of the Edry family’s call for Israel to demand the immediate transfer of the three terrorists for trial and Minister of Justice Hanegbi also made several public statements calling on the PA to transfer the terrorists at the time.

AaronLerner is Director of IMRA (Independent Media Review & Analysis)

Violence Attributed to an Ethnic group: The Appropriate Response?

When violence is attributed to any ethnic group, whether they are traditional Orthodox Jews near the Western Wall in Jerusalem, a group of Blacks in an American city, or whatever group is identified with violent action, you have a choice: to react with your head or your gut.

Your gut tells you to condemn that group outright, and to promote hatred of that group. Your head should tell you otherwise, that is, to appeal to that group to reign in their people who commit any acts of violence.

The violent act of some Jews in traditional garb near the Western Wall speaks for itself. An act to be condemned by all circles. On the evening that followed the Shavuot holdiday when it occurred, our news agency called every traditional Rabbinic leader in both Ashkenazic and Sephardic circles, including the highest Rabbinic authorities in both camps. There was not one Rabbi who did not express his disgust with the violence, no matter what he felt about non-Orthodox Judaism. Yet when I opened up the Israeli and foreign media and followed the electronic media the next day, I discovered that not one news agency had bothered to interview the leadership of the traditional Orthodox “Haredi” world. I called the four Israeli talk shows and varying foreign media and presented the names of each of the “Haredi” Rabbinic authorities – Rabbis Elyashiv, Waldenberg and Wosner whom I suggested that the media interview for an authoritative view on the subject.

The answer that I got was the same from each media outlet was the same: That is not the story that we are looking for. Instead, the talk show producers and pundits looked for any Orthodox Jew who would not condemn the act, until they found one.

Only a few weeks ago, a prominent pundit in an major Israeli newspaper asked when the voices of reason would ever be heard from the traditional circles of Orthodox Jewish leadership.

That is not the issue. The question is whether any mainstream media will ever quote such a perspective. It just does not fit the script.

Questions to the Conservative Movement in Israel

I have been intimately connected to the dialogue that has tried to reach a compromise that will be satisfactory to all people involved. I have written in a previous issue of Israel Resource Review, of a proposal to integrate and involve the enthusiasm and energy of non-Orthodox movements in Israel into the framework of informal Jewish education in Israel – especially in community centers and summer camps throughout the country. My positive experience in this regard speaks for itself.

We have to draft the professionalism of the Conservative, Reform, Reconstructionist and Havurah movements to fight the antisemitism – Israel style – promulgated by some Jews in our country.

The two questions that I have concerning the further involvement of the Conservative movement in the polemics of the Who is a Jew issue include:

1. In Israel, the Conservative movement has joined the HEMDAT coalition, which is litigating for the opening of a shopping center in north Tel Aviv that is owned and operated by a Shomer Shabbat Jew, Mr Lev Leviav.

How can the Conservative movement resolve this with its commitment to Halacha?

2. In Israel, the Conservative movement aligns itself with the Reform, calling for the recognition of all non-Orthodox Rabbis. Yet there are some Rabbis who perform interfaith marriages, same sex marriages, (as happened in Tel Aviv last week), and marriages between people whose fathers – not mothers – are Jewish.

How can the Conservative movement resolve this with its commitment to Halacha?

Official PA Website Denies Most Jewish Ties to Jerusalem

The “Palestinian National Authority Official Website” now features a lengthy section about Jerusalem which is designed to minimize Jewish ties to Jerusalem. The PA also charges the Israeli government with making the Western Wall a religious site in order to undermine the foundations of Al-Aqsa Mosque.

1. Minimizing Ties

The chronology in the report notes a Jewish historical connection three times:

  • “1000 B.C. Israelites (when conquered by king David)”
  • “586 B.C. Babylonians (when Nebuchad Nezzer conquered it, and moved its Jewish inhabitants to Babylon.”
  • “135 B.C. Macabbean Jew”

The construction of the Second Temple and its later destruction are not included in the chronology.

2. Denial of Jewish historical ties to the Western Wall

The section titled “The Most Distinctive Religious Sites in Jerusalem” mentions the “Al-Boraq wall (name of the creature on which Prophet Mohammad made his ascension to heaven), which is called by Jews the ‘Wailing Wall’.”

“5. Al-Boraq Wall: It is part of the exterior facade of the western wall of Al-Aqsa Mosque. “Al-Boraq” creature which carried Mohammad during his ascension to heaven was tied to this wall.

Some Orthodox religious Jews consider it as a holy place for them, and claim that the wall is part of their temple which all historic studies and archeological excavations have failed to find any proof for such a claim.

In order to undermine the foundations of Al-Aqsa Mosque, the Israeli government has convert it into a religious shrine for jews, prohibiting non Jews to enter it, except for a limited number of tourists.”

3. Charges of Israeli government desecration of holy places

The report charges that “The Israeli government has desecrated the Islamic holy places, attached [sic] Muslim worshippers several times, and set on fire Al-Aqsa Mosque on 21 August 1968 [Australian Christian Dennis Rohan set the fire and was arrested and sentenced by Israeli authorities – IMRA].

“The burning of the Mosque and the Israeli attempt to blow it up in 1980 were not the last in its disgraceful acts, but it has also desecrated the holy tombs inside the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and looted many churches. “

Ehud Barak, Labor’s New Hero

In English, Lt. General (Res) Ehud Barak’s last name means lightning. As Israel’s highest ranking officer, the retired Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff broke into politics less than two years ago in the footsteps of the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. On Sunday, Barak marched into Tel Aviv’s Labor Party headquarters to claim his new title as party chairman, easing into an office space once occupied by Rabin and most recently Shimon Peres.

With tens of the Israeli and Foreign media pressing his doorway, Barak held a round of meetings which seemed more like photo opportunities with his rivals, including MK Yossi Beilin, who won 29 percent of the votes in last week’s Labor primary. Presenting a united Labor front, Barak assigned himself as interim party secretary-general. He made clear that his primary target now is Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whom Barak is leading in public opinion polls.

“The days of the Rabin-Peres feud will not come back,” he declared. “I think that feud was largely responsible for our failure to win back power.”

True to his name, Barak has made a lightning impact on the Israeli electorate, making himself an heir apparent to the nation’s highest office in his first term as a member o the Knesset. However, he remains largely an enigma to the Israeli public. Barak, with is perennial smile and friendly jowls that could soon become a cartoonist’s delight, confuses the public as to where he stands on major issues. When Barak was about to complete his IDF service, the Israeli media was forced to speculate about which political party he would join.

Although new to politics, Barak has mastered the art of ducking direct questions. He answers specific questions with perfunctory answers, and avoids questions about what he would do as Israel’s next prime minister – at times appearing indignant.

A case in point: At Barak’s opening press conference for the foreign press last Fall, free lance writer Joyce Boim, whose son had been murdered on the way home from school, explained that the Arab killer had found refuge in the PA autonomy. Boim asked Barak what he would do in such an instance. Barak expressed little sensitivity when he said that he is not the prime minister, that he should not be asked such a question, and that “you cannot expect the Palestinians to be 100% perfect.”

On June 9, Barak met with his predecessor, Peres, and flew to Jordan as King Hussein’s personal guest. The new chairman expects to meet soon with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat. Both are courting the former commando who, in 1973, disguised himself as a woman during a Beirut raid against Palestinian guerillas. In 1988, then head of military intelligence, Barak reportedly commanded the successful operation to assassinate Abu Jihad, top military strategist for Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organization.

“I perceive Arafat as the real partner, the only partner in the negotiation for peace,” Barak told the Middle East News Service on Sunday at Labor Party headquarters, asked is he now trusts Arafat. “In the past, he headed a terrorist organization. Now with Oslo, we must be careful and not rush into his hands. At the same time, we have to negotiate with him and no one else.”

Barak has met Arafat on three occasions, including when he was foreign minister. During a recent phone conversation, Barak says that he told Arafat that “I xpect the Palestinian leadership to make an effort to stop terrorism.” Asked whether e will urge Arafat to condemn the PA order to murder Arab land dealers who sell propertyto Jews, Barak said: “If the problem is not solved by then, it will be raised.”

Like Rabin, Barak’s reputation as a war hero has helped pave his way to success in politics. After Rabin’s assassination, Barak as foreign minister assumed Rabin’s mantle of “Mr. Security” to compensate for Peres’ perception as being too dovish. At times Barak has demonstrated skepticism towards the peace process. As foreign minister he abstained from voting in the cabinet to approve the second peace accord with the Palestinians in 1995.

Barak’s quest for leadership was evident in his aggressive campaign to force Peres to relinquish even a symbolic role in Labor Party decision making. He is now enlisting Peres’ help in guiding the party to victory at the next elections. Positioning himself in the political center, Barak says he is better qualified to deal with the Palestinians than Netanyahu, whom served in Barak’s military unit. He points out that he has sat in on more cabinet meetings, as chief of staff, than the prime minister.

Barak, whose own core beliefs are in question, has criticized Netanyahu for inconsistency. “Netanyahu has been playing a dangerous game of verbal gymnastics but does not deliver anything real,” he told Middle East News Service. “People expect leaders to have an agenda, to have issues and try to solve them and talk about them in an accurate, coherent and focused way. Netanyahu is emphasizing what the audience prefers to hear at the moment.

“Netanyahu’s policy is destroying the mutual trust that was so carefully nurtured under Rabin and Peres” with the Palestinians, he continued. “In a way, it (Netanyahu’s policy) is cracking the mutual trust we had with the Americans.”

Interestingly, Netanyahu and Barak’s bottom line in Israeli-Palestinian negotiations is similar. Barak said in an interview last fall that he supports an expanded Allon plan, almost identical to the one Netanyahu announced last week in his “Allon-plus” plan: expand Jerusalem, annex specific settlement blocs, maintain security positions in the Jordan Valley, no foreign army west of the Jordan River, no right of return for Palestinian refugees.

Barak believes that paralysis on the Syrian and Lebanese fronts is liable to ignite a military confrontation. Opposing a unilateral withdrawal of Israeli troops from the security zone in Lebanon, Barak says, negotiations must resume on the principle of trading land for peace and security.

Born in 1942 in Kibbutz Mishmar Hasharon, Barak was kicked out of high school because he could not concentrate on his studies, according to a 1996 article in The New Yorker. Barak later finished his schooling and earned a masters degree in economic engineering systems from Stanford University in the mid-1970s. Barak is also a gifted classical pianist prone to showoff, skilled at picking locks and taking apart grandfather clocks (and putting them back together), The New Yorker reported.

At 17, Barak joined the IDF and was selected for the famed Sayeret Matkal within months, later becoming a commander of the elite commando unit.

During the 1967 Six Day War, Barak commanded a reconnaissance group, and in the 1973 Yom Kippur War, headed a tank battalion in the Sinai. In April 1991, he became chief of staff and was promoted to Lt. General, the highest rank in the Israeli military.

In July 1995, Barak was appointed Rabin’s interior minister. He became foreign minister under Peres after the assassination and, days after winning a seat on the Labor Party list, Barak pioneered his campaign for Prime Minister of Israel, the first “outsider” to the Israeli political system to do so since Yitzhak Rabin answered the call back in 1974.

U.S. Intelligence Training for the P.L.O.

Subject: Philadelphia’s Finest and American intelligence Training for the Palestine Liberation Army Police Force

There are times when a most clandestine or discrete intelligence operation is revealed quite by accident.

This was the case of the PLO military training operation that is operated and supervised by the highest levels of American intelligence.

In the Spring of 1995, a young public relations consultant to the Philadelphia police department noted that a delegation of Palestinian police were participating in an intelligence training program at my home town’s Police HQ, following a training seminar at the CIA HQ in Langley.

This, he assumed, would be an opportunity to show that Philadelphia’s finest were contributing to the Middle East Peace Process.

Not only did he issue a press release. He called a press conference and organized a cocktail party with the PLO police participants, each of whom noted the irony that they had all spent time in Israeli prisons for terror activity before the dawn of the new era of peace.

These Fatah members were primarily from Force 17, and some were directly under the command of Col Jabril Rajoub. They remained in Philly for an undisclosed time, taking courses in every level of weapons training and intelligence research. The Palestinians readily stated that their trainers were coming back home with them to continue their training.

Since that time two years ago, American intelligence trainers accompany Palestine Liberation Army police in all of their efforts in the cities where they have established headquarters, as the PLA personnel have assumed executive powers in all matters as law enforcement, punishment of accused collaborators, execution of Palestine Authority opposition mmebers, kidnapping of Arabs from East Jerusalem to Jericho, arrest of narcotics dealers and supervision of the summary capital punishment of land dealers. All this under the watchful eyes of American intelligence trainers who help Arafat and the Palestine Authority on the road to stability.

The question of how the American government is funding this operation remains a matter for U.S. Congressional inquiry.

A Call for Palestinian Arab Participation in Jerusalem’s Political Process

Whenever we look into the matter of the voting of Arabs in Jerusalem municipal elections, I am always surprised anew and ask myself why most Arab residents of Jerusalem have refrained from exercising their electoral rights for the past thirty years.

The Arabs of Jerusalem unquestionably consider the city their own. They unquestionably avail themselves of municipal services in all aspects of daily life. They unquestionably represent the interests of more than one-fourth of the city’s population. If so, why should they continue to boycott Jerusalem’s municipal elections? Why not do the opposite – cast their votes and elect their delegates to represent “their” public on the municipal council?

I do know that some members of Arab society have attempted to influence things in this direction, only to be rewarded with death threats and the torching of their cars! However, the more willing voters there are, the fewer assaults will be aimed at them and the prospects of normalization will improve immeasurably.

If we may draw a comparison with another population group that has been undertreated – the haredi community – we see that their massive electoral participation has transformed their status in this city.

For thirty years, Arabs in Jerusalem have refrained from voting in elections for the municipal authority. Has this mattered to anyone? I believe it has not! They merely lost their influence, and their status was damaged!

It is of course noteworthy that, since the city was reunified thirty years ago, the Municipality of Jerusalem has done much for the eastern side of town. Some of its actions have been taken in the Old City – installation of sewage systems, paving of streets, and care of streetcorner parks and gardens.

There is no doubt, however, that not enough has been done and that the actions taken have not been in the proper proportion.

We should, of course, bear in mind that when Jerusalem was unified, the two sectors of the city were not in equal condition. From the time the state of Israel was established until 1967, western Jerusalem underwent an especially rapid development process: Neighborhoods, streets, universities, hospitals, and theaters were added, all on the basis of modern outline plans.

Although Jerusalem was a dead-end city until 1967, it was developed with special intensity. Its population tripled and its area quintupled. In contrast, the Arab Jerusalem of those years stagnated and was left undeveloped and backward in every technical, cultural, and social respect. When the city was reunited, it became urgently necessary to overcome an immense disparity that had developed over two decades.

Notably, international interest in Jerusalem has been mounting since 1967, forcing the city to spend vast sums for the development of tourism infrastructure, installation of employment infrastructure, overcoming of social disparities, and other matters. Such developments are meant for all residents of the city and not for any particular sector.

It is true that, in the past thirty years, the Municipality of Jerusalem and the Government of Israel have not eliminated the disparity between the two sectors of the city. However, much work has been done – foremost, as I noted, in infrastructures in the Old City and modern eastern Jerusalem. Unfortunately, these efforts have not sufficed to eliminate the disparity.

Jerusalem’s relatively new mayor, Member of Knesset Ehud Olmert, has made indefatigable efforts that have resulted in the allocation, this year alone, of NIS 135 million for infrastructure development in the eastern areas of Jerusalem, not including 180 classrooms being built during the years since the new municipal regime took over.

I do not know if these resources will eliminate the gaps, but it is clear that if seven or eight Arab representatives sat on the town council, just as City Hall employs 1,500 Arabs, even more resources might have been available and would perhaps have been allotted for purposes the Arab public considers more important and better appreciated.

We just laid the cornerstone for a new school in the Arab neighborhood of Beit Safafa, and we have already heard that the notables of Beit Safafa boycotted the ceremony. We will continue to build for Arab children in Jerusalem because they are equally entitled residents, but the hostile attitude, dictated from on high, is not useful to say the least.

Today, the main representatives of the Arab public and society in City Hall come only from the Israeli far Left. Apart from the fact that the Israeli left people are, by their very nature and fiber, dissidents vis-a-vis the incumbent municipal government, I am convinced that they come no closer to understanding the Arab public’s wishes than other members of the council, and may even be farther from such understanding. Their goal in representing the Arabs is not to solve real problems but rather to use the Arab problem to attack the incumbent municipal government.

Most of the Arab public in Jerusalem is traditional-minded. These residents share with the traditional Jewish public many behavioral, cultural, and social attitudes toward various problems, and cooperation between these population groups may lead to a different approach toward cultural, religious, and social affairs in which the two societies have common interests. The Israeli left’s representation of Arabs’ views is not always acceptable, and I am convinced that it has sometimes been to the acute displeasure of Arabs who adhere to their traditions. If this is so, one must ask again why the Arabs do not participate in municipal elections.

Arab society in Jerusalem has been incited to fear that voting in municipal elections would amount to recognition of Israel’s dominion in the city. According to this logic, those not interested in Israeli control of the city should refrain from voting in municipal elections. On the other hand, every plan submitted to the Municipality and any revenue paid to the civic authority is in itself recognition.

Israel allows Jerusalem residents to vote for the Palestinian Authority council. Although the Government takes a dim view of this, it respected this agreement and thereby gave the Jerusalem Arab public a way to express its political affinities. Thus, this population group can permit itself to vote in municipal elections even if it rejects the Municipality’s source of authority, and is well advised to do so. This public must also recognize that the procedure at issue is a democratic one. For this reason, it must accept the limitations and constraints of democracy although it holds a different political view, a minority view in the city.

The moment the Arab public votes in municipal elections, it has only one way to fight for its views and demands: the democratic way. In other words, by using the democratic tools available in Jerusalem – elections, the council, the administration, and the various municipal committees – the Arab public may of course avail itself of all the mass media, the press, and television to express its views in any matter, as long as it does not use media organs for purposes of incitement or to advocate the murder of persons who step out of line. Because the abuse of democratic tools is a breach of the trust that democracy invests in those who sustain it, it should be protested and resisted like any criminal phenomenon in our society.

The democratic regime and the democratic principle of freedom of speech must be protected from exploitation by undemocratic forces who would use them to deny freedom of occupation or gag those who fail to join in the general chorus.

Each passing day brings forth new ideas for municipal partitioning and neighborhood councils as ways to grant the Arab population limited self-rule.

These ideas may be taken up for consideration after the Arab public has begun to participate in municipal elections as electors and electees, at such time as it has acquired the ability to express itself on the municipal council and to attain a convergence of interests with other groups that demand solutions such as these.

Therefore, I consider it essentially pointless to boycott municipal elections in order to avoid recognizing Jerusalem as the political capital of the Jewish state.

Allow me to express several thoughts as a Jew who strictly observes his religious commandments. The Land of Israel and Jerusalem, as part of it, were given to the Jewish people in trust – to retain as long as we behave in accordance with the social, ethical, and civil norms that the Torah requires of us.

If we abandon these norms, we forfeit our right to the land and cede it to peoples who abide by loftier norms.

We read in the Torah: “But the land must not be sold beyond reclaim, for the land is Mine; you are but strangers resident with Me (Lev. 25:23).

What the Book of Books, in which we all believe, says, is that dominion over the land – the material object – belongs not to any human being but to the Creator. All of us are but “strangers” who reside there as long as He permits this.

We believe that the Land of Israel, and Jerusalem as part of it, are possessed only by those who are socially, ethically, and humanly worthy. Therefore, the test for all of us is whether we learn to dwell here as human beings who maintain lofty ethical norms. If we do not honor this imperative, we shall lose out on the country mutually, leaving behind a wasteland.

It is the quality of our behavior toward ourselves, and toward each other, that will assure the stability of all of us in this land and this city.

Let me then propose, as an outgrowth of this religiously and politically abstract thinking, that when the next municipal elections approach, we all prepare to vote in order to make this city a model of “multi-existence” among residents of different backgrounds, different religions, and different cultures. For this is the true meaning of Jerusalem.

David Cassuto is Deputy Mayor of Jerusalem and Commissioner of Cultural Affairs

Mr. Arafat’s Assassins

“To serve and protect” is the motto of many a police force. In the case of the tens of thousands of Palestinian police and security officers, what they serve and protect are the interests of Yasser Arafat and a handful of his henchmen. As for the Palestinian population at large, well, they’re on their own.

Since Mr. Arafat’s arrival in Gaza in 1994, he has established at least nine different intelligence services and deployed nearly 40,000 Palestinian policemen. In addition, high-ranking security officials in major cities, like Jibril Rajoub in Hebron, have their own private security details. The connections between all the different security forces are murky at best. And the actual size and scope of the secret police and undercover intelligence services are also unclear. What is clear, however, is that the Palestinian Authority has one of the highest ratios of security personnel to civilian population in the world.

The police have been busy. Since May 5, it has been the official policy in the Palestinian Authority to impose the death penalty on any Arab who sells land to Jews — and a trial is not necessary for passing sentence. Since that declaration, at least three men have been killed by Palestinians for being real estate agents, and the police are the prime suspects. In the first case, a 70-year-old man, Farid Bashiti, was found with his hands tied behind his back, shot in the head. A Palestinian policeman is already in Israeli custody for his part in Mr. Bashiti’s slaying. The second victim, Harbi Abu Sara, was 46 and was shot in the head four times. The third victim was from the city of Nablus. The details of his death are still unclear. But the killings were clearly the product of single design. In all three cases, the men were brought to the same house in Ramallah for interrogation before they were murdered. Israeli investigators say they have evidence that a senior Palestinian security officer is involved in two of the three murders and the kidnapping of a fourth victim, also suspected of land sales to Jews. And earlier this week, Israeli police foiled another kidnapping attempt, once again directed at a land-sale suspect, and arrested four Palestinian security officers and two other men.

As for Chairman Arafat, he has defended the death-for-land-sales policy and its enforcement, saying, “we are talking about isolated traitors. And we will impose against them what is on the law books. That is our right and our obligation to protect our land.” Apparently, that also goes for suspected land dealers. Palestinian police arrested 12 men on suspicion of land sales in the past two weeks, according to Palestinian Attorney General Khalid Qidrah. This comes on top of another six arrested the week prior. And Palestinian Justice Minister Freih Abu Medein, who originally announced the policy, says he has a list of another 200 suspected land dealers Palestinian security forces will be “investigating.” At the same time, plainclothes Palestinian security officers have been harassing suspected land dealers in East Jerusalem by threatening them with arrest or death.

Meanwhile, the Israeli government is still trying to get the Palestinian Authority (PA) to hand over suspected terrorists, as per the Oslo accords. In March the government submitted a list of 31 terror suspects, none of whom have since been handed over to Israel. Among the list of 31, 11 suspected terrorists are now members of, that’s right, the Palestinian police force.

As for what PA policemen and security forces do to their own people, the record is abysmal. According to Palestinian writer Fawaz Turki, “To date, 14 Palestinians have died under torture at the hands of thugs (no other word will do here) from the dreaded intelligence services.” Twenty-six-year-old Mahmoud Jamal Jumayal was tortured to death in July 1996. A month later, the Palestinian Authority tried and convicted three PLO security officers in connection with Mr. Jumayal’s death. A Palestinian court in Jericho sentenced Capt. Abdul Hakim Hijjo and Lt. Omar Kadumi to 15 years plus hard labor and Sgt. Ahmed Biddo received a 10-year jail term plus hard labor. A police force diligently policing itself? Maybe so, maybe not. The trial took less than two hours and Palestinian human rights activists denounced it as a sham. Were the right men brought to justice — or did authorities find scapegoats to convict before anyone could complain? Many Palestinians held in PA jails have tried to commit suicide, and one man who did not succeed told his family that he was going to try again. As he explained, “Why wait and let them do it for me?”

Police have also harassed editors and human rights activists who have had the temerity to criticize the PA or the chairman. There are allegations that Palestinian policemen have threatened Israelis living near PA autonomous zones and within Palestinian-controlled cities. Last September, PA police and security officials turned the guns they got from Israel against Israeli soldiers, and this year during several days of riots in the West Bank and Gaza, PA policemen, alongside civilians, hurled rocks at Israeli soldiers and civilians.

There is no Palestinian state or autonomous Palestinian region. There is only a kleptocracy run by thugs and goons who are destroying any hope the Palestinian population might have had that the Oslo accords would lead to freedom and democracy. Oh yes, and the last $100 million installment of U.S. aid (for a grand total of half a billion in taxpayer funds) is on its way to the Palestinian Authority. Ain’t life grand?