These days, Amir Peretz is a sad man. Beaten. Perhaps I am misreading him, but it seems to me that the glint in his eye has gone out. Too many problems have overtaken him at once: The war in Lebanon, the Kassam rockets in Sderot, his complete collapse in the polls, the supporters who have abandoned him and the unpopular frontal clash with the prime minister. In such situations there is usually some shred of hope, a piece of news that is awaited, a white sail on the horizon. A right wing defense minister can launch a peace initiative or the opposite, he can hope that a brilliant military operation will extricate him from the mud. What miracle can Amir Peretz look forward to?
This week, a journalist told him the story about the company sergeant major who told his soldiers a joke. Everyone laughed except one. Why aren’t you laughing, they asked the soldier. Because I am getting out of the army tomorrow, he replied. Peretz laughed wholeheartedly. You can convince yourself that you are being released tomorrow, and do anything you like, said the journalist. Peretz became serious. He has no intention of being released.
He would not admit it, but he erred when he accepted the defense portfolio, and erred again when he adamantly refused to take a civilian portfolio after the war-an expanded civilian portfolio or a large project of national rehabilitation. Now, with three percent in the polls, anything he does will generate anger against him.
He believes that he is the right person to serve as defense minister today. The appointment of a military man would give people the illusion that the appointment in and of itself would correct what is wrong. That it is time to go on vacation. But as long as he is at the helm, we can be certain that the changes will be made. After all, everyone is watching him very closely. The only way for him to rehabilitate himself is to do, do, do, day and night. The problem is that in Israel, everyone is impatient. They expect reservists who haven’t trained for six years to be prepared within a month.
The clash with Olmert was not planned. In the past, the defense minister’s partner on the Palestinian side was their interior minister. After the Hamas government was formed, this option disappeared. Abu Mazen was the only one left. When Peretz received a message in the middle of last Sunday’s cabinet meeting that Abu Mazen was looking for him, he thought that the topic was a delegation of rabbis headed by Rabbi Froman, which wished to meet with Abu Mazen in Gaza. Peretz refused to let them enter, out of concern for their safety.
Abu Mazen, however, was not interested in the rabbis. He wanted to talk about the cease-fire. Before he reaches an agreement with Hamas, he wants to make sure that Israel will honor the calm. There is the issue of the tunnels, Peretz told him. If the smuggling continues, we will not be able to refrain from acting against the tunnels.
He did not report to Olmert about the conversation with Abu Mazen until after the fact. Olmert did not take well to the report. He accused Ephraim Sneh of negotiating with the Palestinians. Only I will speak with Abu Mazen, he said.
Olmert was offended. The quiet talks that his people are conducting with Abu Mazen, usually by Turbowicz and Turjeman with Erekat and Husseini, are very sensitive. On second thought, Peretz was also offended. How could Olmert conceal talks on a cease-fire from the defense minister. Why were military officers not included in the discussions.
In ordinary periods, political profit could be derived from such a crisis. Not now. The crisis only heightens the sense that the political leadership is unable to show results. People are being killed, but they are persisting in fighting over matters of ego.
On Friday, Peretz visited Michael Slotker, the husband of Faina Slotker, who was killed last week in Sderot. Slotker, an engineer by profession, cried when he spoke about his wife, but was angry when he talked about the Wisconsin Program. “The Wisconsin took our dignity away, from my wife and myself,” he said.
The Sabbath had almost begun, but Peretz found it difficult to leave. If not because of the Kassam rockets-because of Wisconsin.
Wakes up with the Kassam
Every night, Amir Peretz returns to his home in Sderot. Sometimes there is a small demonstration of residents waiting near his house, demanding his resignation. Sometimes it is quiet. In the morning, he wakes up with the Kassam rockets.
He would always return home at night, when he was in the Histadrut as well. But now his night’s sleep in Sderot bears symbolic significance: If he stays away, people will say that he has abandoned [the city]. A large portion of the city’s residents find rest in Eilat or other places, but the defense minister is unable to do so, for fear of what people will say. He is a hostage. He will not be forgiven even a single night in Tel Aviv.
When the GSS wanted to fortify the roof of Peretz’s house, he refused. He was unable to refuse protective measures against direct fire. People in Sderot saw the activity, and immediately some people got up and said: Why is he being protected and not us.
We expect our public officials to both be a symbol and to work. Even when we humiliate them in both contexts, we insist on expecting.
There is a fine interplay between the symbol and the work. No disaster would be caused if Peretz were to sleep in Tel Aviv every once in a while. Even if someone were to say something, it is doubtful whether this would be his worst problem.
On the other hand, it is hard to be impressed by Ehud Olmert when he condemns the abandonment of Sderot from his well-guarded office in Jerusalem. There are reprimands that cannot be issued from afar. He would actually like to travel to Sderot, but his bodyguards object. He could be hit by a Kassam rocket.
The bodyguards’ job is to protect the prime minister against anyone who might harm him because of his position. An attack on the prime minister by a Jewish or Arab terrorist is a traumatic blow to the state and society. It must not happen again.
But regarding the Kassams, the prime minister is like any other citizen. He is not entitled to special protection. He is no different than Amir Peretz, or Yuli Tamir who visited Sderot this week, or many others. The only thing that needs to be done is to keep the date of the visit a secret, in order to prevent deliberate fire.
Perhaps it is time to return to the days when Israel’s prime minister felt that it was his duty to come to any spot where a terror attack had taken place. This was the Israeli way of showing solidarity, taking responsibility, setting priorities. Perhaps it is time to return to the days when there were fewer bodyguards, and more security. [.]