Robert Goldberg’s recent essay at the Institute for the Critical Study of Antizionism Substack, adapted from his book The Haggadah: Zionism’s Drama of Destiny, makes a powerful and timely argument: anti-Zionist Jews are not a modern phenomenon produced by Marxism or post-colonial theory, but an ancient archetype encoded in the Haggadah itself. Reading the Seder as political theology, Goldberg identifies Amalek — the tribe that attacked Israel in the wilderness, striking the weak and weary from the rear — as the transhistorical prototype of the Jew who uses intimate knowledge of the covenant to undermine Jewish national destiny. The Wicked Son, on this reading, is Amalek at the Seder table: the insider who withdraws from the collective with the word lachem — “to you,” not “to us” — and must be answered not with patience but with hakheh et shinav, blunting his teeth. Modern anti-Zionist Jews — Goldberg names Shaul Magid, Peter Beinart, and Judith Butler among others — are the latest incarnation of this archetype, providing the intellectual and moral cover that enables external enemies to assault Jewish legitimacy while claiming Jewish sanction.
Goldberg is right that the Haggadah anticipated these figures, and right that the proper response is exclusion rather than dialogue. But the archetype he chooses is the wrong one.
Two Tracks the Haggadah Never Conflates
The Haggadah carries two parallel and distinct theologies of threat, and it never mixes them.
The first is a theology of physical annihilation. It runs through the entire Seder as an unnamed but unmistakable thread. V’Hi She’amda — “and it is this that has stood by our fathers and us” — declares that in every generation enemies rise up l’chaloteinu, to destroy us utterly, and that God rescues us from their hand.
The Haggadah then identifies Laban as worse than Pharaoh: Pharaoh decreed death only for the males, but Laban sought l’akor et hakol — to uproot everything, to erase the Jewish people entirely.
And the Seder ends with Shfoch Chamatecha — “pour out Your wrath upon the nations that do not know You, who have devoured Jacob and laid waste his habitation.” We invoke divine fury against those who have consumed us physically.
This is the Amalek track: the recurring genocidal enemy, appearing in every generation under different names, always seeking the same thing.
The second is a theology of internal communal fracture. That is what the Wicked Son symbolizes. The Wicked Son is not trying to destroy anyone. He is trying to delegitimize Judaism as an insider, quoting the Torah. The Haggadah’s response to him is not a prayer for divine retribution. It is a sharp, deflating one-liner: “It is because of what God did for me when I left Egypt — for me, not for him.” Public mockery. A refusal to engage on his terms. The Wicked Son gets embarrassed, not cursed.
The Haggadah does not respond to the Wicked Son by asking God to pour out His wrath on him.
Jews have two types of enemies, external and internal. Both of them are dangerous. But each has its own methods and each requires different responses. Goldberg gets this wrong.
Amalek is Hamas. Amalek is Haman. Amalek is Hitler. The Wicked Son is something else entirely — and the right name for him, and for the organizations that have multiplied him into a faction, is Korach.
Korach: The Insider Who Weaponizes His Judaism
Korach (Numbers chapters 16-18) is the archetype Goldberg is actually describing. He is Jewish — unambiguously, consequentially Jewish. He is a Levite of distinguished lineage. And his entire attack on Moses derives its force from that standing. “You take too much upon yourselves, for all the congregation are holy” is not an external attack on Jewish leadership. It is a Jewish insider using Jewish language to claim that Jewish particular authority is illegitimate — that the community is better off without it.
This is the structure of “as a Jew, I oppose Zionism.” The phrase has no meaning without the insider credential. It exists to perform exactly what Korach performed: to use membership in the covenant community as the weapon against the covenant community’s legitimate governance. The Jewishness of Peter Beinart, Judith Butler, and the signatories of every Jewish Voice for Peace petition is not incidental to their argument. It is their argument.
Amalek needs no such credential. Amalek attacks from outside.
The Wicked Son Is a Korach, Not an Amalekite
The Wicked Son’s transgression is in his grammar: lachem, to you — a deliberate withdrawal from collective identity using the community’s own language and ritual occasion. He doesn’t crash the Seder as an outsider. He sits at the table and tries to destroy it s a Jew who has the right to be there.
That is Korach’s method, not Amalek’s.
But JVP and IfNotNow go further than the Wicked Son, and here the Korach parallel tightens further still. The Wicked Son at least tips his hand — his separation is legible. JVP still calls itself “Jewish.”. They are a Korach faction: people who manufacture the appearance of a legitimate communal plurality to give outside powers Jewish cover for anti-Jewish positions.
What “Blunt His Teeth” Actually Means
The Haggadah’s instruction to respond to the Wicked Son is “hakheh et shinav”, usually translated as “blunt his teeth” and treated as a metaphor for firm pedagogical correction. But the actual response to the Wicked Son in the text is not a correction — it is a rebuke laced with mockery: “You call yourself one of us, but had you been in Egypt, you would have perished.” This is public embarrassment. The Haggadah recognizes that the Wicked Son’s question is not really a question at all. It is a gotcha — a performance of cynicism designed to destabilize, not to inquire. The correct response to a gotcha is not engagement on its terms but to expose the performance for what it is, hold it up to ridicule, and deny it the dignity of a serious reply.
Applied to the individual anti-Zionist Jew, this means meeting his challenge with the dismissiveness it deserves. The most effective response to “as a Jew, I oppose Israel’s right to exist” is not a careful rebuttal of his historical claims. It is the observation that he has separated himself from the community at every single level – religious, national, political. It is publicizing that his “criticism” of Israel is nothing of the sort, but just wordplay to destroy the Jewish community from within. Movie critics don’t demand that all prints be destroyed, book critics don’t insist that books they don’t like be burned, critics of a nation do not say it should replaced with different people, a different religion and a different political system.
The parallel that should come to mind — and should trigger the same visceral communal response — is Jews for Jesus. Every Jew understands instinctively why Jews for Jesus is not a Jewish organization despite its name, its partial Jewish membership, and its insistence that it represents an authentic form of Jewish identity. Centuries of forced conversion and of Christian persecution carried out under the sign of the cross have taught us what it means when someone deploys Jewish identity in the service of a movement that targets Jewish continuity. We do not debate Jews for Jesus on their terms. We do not grant them space in Hillel or a table at the Jewish community fair. We recognize them immediately as people who weaponize Jewish identity against Jewish survival, and we reject them accordingly. Anti-Zionist Jewish organizations deserve exactly the same response, for exactly the same reason. The weapon is identical in structure: take the credential, hollow out its content, and turn it against the community that issued it.
But the Wicked Son is never alone. The Seder table also holds the Simple Son, who accepts things at face value, and the one who does not yet know how to ask — the young, the unmoored, the Jewishly undereducated who lack the framework to evaluate what they are hearing. For them, the performance of the Wicked Son is genuinely dangerous. They cannot see the gotcha for what it is. They cannot identify the selective deployment of Jewish identity as a weapon. To them, “as a Jew, I oppose this” sounds like evidence that serious, committed Jews have concluded Zionism is indefensible.
This is why the institutional response must be different in kind from the individual one. When Hillel or any Jewish communal organization faces a JVP chapter demanding equal representation as Jews, the question is not whether their arguments deserve refutation. The question is what message recognition itself sends to the Simple Sons in the room. Granting them a platform, treating their demands as legitimate communal discourse, engaging them in debate as though they were a genuine Jewish voice with genuine Jewish concerns, all teaches the uninformed observer that the community is genuinely divided, that the question of Jewish sovereignty is open, and that reasonable, Jewish-identified people have concluded Israel is a moral catastrophe.
None of that is true. All of it is the intended effect.
Hillels should reject JVP outright — not reluctantly, not with lengthy explanations that imply a close call, but clearly and with a reason stated plainly: this organization uses a Jewish name and Jewish membership to campaign for the elimination of the Jewish state, while its members’ Judaism exists in no other context. That is not a Jewish organization with whom we disagree. That is a Korach faction, and the communal response should be as unambiguous as what happened to Korach.
The Method: Pseudo-Argument for the Uninformed
Goldberg credits anti-Zionist Jewish intellectuals with a sophistication they mostly don’t deserve. Korach’s arguments were not philosophically rigorous — they were designed to sound devastating to people without the background to answer them. The all-blue garment question (does it require the blue thread fringes?) isn’t a serious challenge to the laws of tzitzit. It’s a gotcha aimed at the unlearned, engineered to produce the reaction: this whole system is arbitrary nonsense. It works on the Simple Son. It fails immediately against anyone who actually knows something about the subject matter.
“Israel is an apartheid state” operates identically. It sounds authoritative to a college sophomore with no knowledge of Israeli law, South African history, or international legal definitions. It is not meant to persuade rabbis or historians. It is meant to produce, in the unformed Jewish mind, the reaction: wait, Zionism is just racism? The target is always the Simple Son — or the one who does not yet know how to ask. Korach didn’t need to win the argument. He needed to create enough doubt that Moses’s authority seemed contestable.
The Prescription Follows the Diagnosis
Amalek must be physically destroyed: the response is military. Korach must be communally rejected: the response is institutional. The earth swallowed Korach not as a metaphor for argument, but as a demonstration that the rebellion was completely illegitimate. The proper response to JVP is not refutation. It is defunding, deplatforming, and institutional exclusion, because a Korach faction is not owed a seat at the communal table it is working to dismantle. Answering their criticism is easy, and there is a way to do it, but not by platforming them as if their arguments have merit.
The Haggadah’s instruction about the Wicked Son is not answer him — it is blunt his teeth. Deny him the authority to define what the table means. Goldberg reaches this conclusion correctly. But the path there runs through Korach, not Amalek. Getting the archetype right is necessary for knowing what kind of war you are in — and knowing what kind of response wins it.






