UNRWA Director Peter Hansen Opposes Solving Palestinian Refugee Problem

[IMRA: The policy of the UN everywhere in the world – with the exception of the Palestinian refugees – is to help promote the resettlement of refugees so that they can move on with their lives. In this article UNRWA director Peter Hansen makes clear that UNRWA supports keeping the Palestinian refugees hostage to Arab-Israeli conflict.]

Full Text: UNRWA feels the pinch of the siege

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency has for the past 51 years afforded support for the Palestinian people, moving its headquarters from Geneva to Gaza five years ago.

On a visit to Egypt cut short by deteriorating conditions in the Palestinian territories, UNRWA director Peter Hansen assured that conditions in the Palestinian territories are very serious, according to him worse than they have ever been in the year-old intifada.

Hansen said that the agency is doing all it can to alleviate the suffering and fear of Palestinian citizens, who face Israeli heavy machines at night and are deprived the simplest constituents of normal living. He indicated that Israeli authorities have spared no effort in positing obstacles in the way of UNRWA employees, who are often stopped at checkpoints and denied travel permits. Additionally, occupation authorities force UNRWA employees at times to abandon their vehicles and walk, subjecting them to grave danger by gunfire often aimed just above their heads to scare them. “Despite it all,” said Hansen, “we are able to help residents and afford them food, thanks to the courage of our cadres.”

As for the situation in Gaza, Hansen said that 80% of Gaza residents are registered at UNRWA as refugees. “We do not ask people seeking assistance to show refugee cards at present because of the prevalent conditions. We help whoever is in need, which at present includes 50% of the people.”

About reaction to the difficulties and impediments imposed by Israeli authorities, Hansen explained, “we continue to submit complaints about Israeli practices and obstacles impeding our operation.” He indicated that he would forward his annual report to the UN in September to indicate the Israeli harassment.

On another front, the UNRWA general director emphasized the need to coordinate efforts to escape the current crisis, indicating that the freeze of normal life affects the Israelis more than it does the Palestinians, who have endured long years of torment.

Hansen called for efforts to convey clearly the situation on the ground, without diminishment or exaggeration, indicating that the time has come to remedy the miserable conditions of refugees, totaling four million, who have for four generations yearned for a better life. Hansen assured that the plight of refugees cannot continue as is and that the Palestinians cannot wait forever.

Concerning Israeli claims that it can withstand the current fight until the year 2006 said Hansen, “this would bode ill for the Palestinians. However, the situation would be much worse for Israel as an occupying country using force to impose its policies.”

Commenting on the use of US-made jet fighters against Palestinian civilians Hansen offered, “I do not think the US afforded those fighters to Israel to be used against civilians and refugees. I am convinced that Washington makes clear to every party it supplies with weapons and military ability the boundaries they must honor in using those weapons.” As for his outlook regarding an end to the crisis and the Israeli escalation of military action by infiltrating Palestinian territories, Hansen indicated that there is no easy way out, stressing the need to increase efforts and support from the international community.

Hansen also replied to questions about the notion of settling Palestinian refugees in host countries and the suffering of refugees in refugee camps and the role of the agency in relieving the suffering. He said, “there could not be any discussion of settling refugees. Such consideration would only be made within the framework of a peace agreement. It is necessary for Palestinian refugees to enjoy their rights like all other refugees across the world, but I do not think that we are the point of discussing that right now and I do not believe that settlement should be considered as a solution at present. The problem requires a just solution, and until that is achieved, UNRWA will continue its work.”

Hansen indicated that the difficulty facing the agency is the lack of funding, mainly because donor countries failed to fulfill pledges they had made. He explained that the funds requested are considered vital and are considerably low, not exceeding 20 cents per refugee per day to cover healthcare, education and social services.

The UNRWA annual budget is limited to $371m covering four million refugees, which translates into $75 per refugee per year. “It is important to afford better assistance to Palestinian refugees, who make up the biggest refugee problem in the world,” said Hansen, assuring that the Palestinian refugees need and deserve support.

Hansen indicated that Egypt has increased contributions to UNRWA more than ten times, reaching $140,000, saying that if other parties followed in the footsteps of Egypt it would be easier to cope with the problem. He stressed that the international community must assume responsibility toward the plight of Palestinian refugees, considering it an international predicament. The UNRWA director, who on his short visit to Egypt met with the Secretary General of the Arab League, Amr Mousa, praised the efforts of the Arab League for supporting UNRWA.

Hansen indicated that of the $78m emergency budget defined by the agency to contend with the exceptional circumstances, only 50% has been secured, saying that important contributions have recently been made by Saudi Arabia, Libya and the UAE. Kuwait, despite its smallness, is considered one of the five top donors to UNRWA, with the other four being Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Netherlands.

Worthy of note, US contributions to UNRWA total $90m annually, while the cost of one F-16 jet fighter is $300m, equal to the entire annual budget of UNRWA.

About the dependability of UNRWA to afford refugees food and basic supplies in light of the Israeli obstacles said Hansen, “UNRWA hopes to be the channel through which Arab states afford assistance, considering the agency the most developed and versed party in distributing aid and handling emergencies. We hope that Arab countries provide support as do other states around the world.”

Hansen added that Arab nations are exhibiting great solidarity and generosity in helping the Palestinians in their unprecedented ordeal. UNRWA employees and schoolchildren in Syria donated $500,000 in support of the UNRWA emergency program, of which Hansen said, “such feelings abound in the Arab World; and it is only a matter of time until similar acts of kindness would be carried out in tangible contributions to the emergency program.”

With the nearing of the scholastic year and UNRWA assistance to students offered the agency director, “we are convinced that the situation will neither be easy nor normal, but we will do our utmost to overcome difficulty. We cannot bear the thought of seeing an entire generation deprived education.”

Hansen explained that the agency is inventing ways to cope with the situation. For example, teachers unable to leave their villages and cities were recruited at the nearest school to substitute for teachers from other areas.

Regarding the International Conference against Racism in Durban, South Africa and the discussion about equating Zionism with racism, Hansen explained that UNRWA did not participate in the conference but is a part of the UN and is based on human rights agreements. Hansen warned that using terms that cause disagreement would undoubtedly raise the magnitude of the conflict. He added, “I hope that participants in the conference reach a proper language accepted internationally without taking away from the authority or the weight of the UN and its ability to undertake its role.”

Hansen concluded, “I hope the US administration realizes the message being voiced by the world asking it to assume a leadership role concurrent with its status as the most powerful state in the world.” Al Quds

Voice of Palestine Radio: No Arrests of Wanted Killers, Wounded Motorists Described As Illegal Settlers, Allegation that IDF has Assigned SLA Troops to Checkpoints

On October 1, 2001, Tafik Tirawi, Palestinian head of Intelligence in the West Bank district of the Palestinian National Authority, was asked on The VOICE OF PALESTINE Radio at 8 a.m. about Israel’s demand to that he arrest terrorists, according to a list that Israel Foreign Minister Shimon Peres handed to Yassir Arafat on their September 26th meeting in Gaza.

Tirawi responded by saying that “there are no terrorists. We will arrest no one. Those who open fire on Israelis are not terrorists. It is the Israelis who are terrorists. We say to the Israelis that your state is the terrorist state that opens fire on our people. You are first requires to arrest your settlers and soldiers. We gave you a list of real terrorists whom you have yet to arrest… Arik Sharon used terror in killing at Deir Yassin, killing Egyptian prisoners, killing Palestinians in Sabra/Shatilla.

On Thursday morning, October 4th, the VOICE OF PALESTINE radio newsreel of the Palestinian Authority reported the shooting attack on the Givat Zev-French Hill road inside Jerusalem in which a young couple were badly injured as an attack against two illegal settlers on the illegal settler road inside Jerusalem.

In its newscasts throughout the day on Thursday, October 4, the VOICE OF PALESTINE radio newsreel of the Palestinian Authority reported that Israel has positioned Christian troops from the Southern Lebanese Army at all checkpoints and at all key positions. While the VOICE OF PALESTINE radio newscaster did indeed broadcast Israeli denials of such, the VOICE OF PALESTINE repeated the news item on each broadcast, with the claim that Israel Prime Minister Arik Sharon has positioned the SLA troops in preparation for another Sabra and Shatilla massacre, reminding the Palestinian Arab public of what occurred in Lebanon in September, 1982,(when Sharon was the Israel Minister of Defence and Israel’s Christian allies in Southern Lebanon killed civilians in the Sabra and Shatilla refugee camps in retaliation for the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Bashir Gemayel). VOICE OF PALESTINE specifically alleges that SLA troops were abusing Palestinian Arab women at IDF checkpoints.

The JTA Slant That Needs Balance: Reflecting on the Writings of JTA Bureau Chief, David Landau

On Erev Yom Kippur, perhaps the time has come for the JTA, the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that is funded in part by the Jewish Federations, to reconsider its ideological orientation and to allow for equal time to balance the one-sided news coverage that the JTA Israel bureau chief David Landau reports from Israel.

Landau, who is also the editor of the left wing HaAretz English edition, was the co-author of THE NEW MIDDLE EAST, which he wrote together with Shimon Peres as the seminal book to promote the Oslo Process.

Our news agency, which covers the Palestinian Authority, bases its news stories what the PA spokesman declare in the Arabic language – Landau, as a matter of policy, does not quote the PA in its own language.

If, for example, Landau’s bureau had been listening to the PA’ s VOICE OF PALESTINE on Sunday, September 9, he would have heard Arafat’s radio station praise the death of two Israeli pacifists at the Naharia train station. calling them “illegal settlers in the illegal settlement of Naharia”. Naharia lies on Israel’s Lebanese border and is defined by the PLO as an illegal settlement since it absorbed neighboring abandoned Arab villages after the 1948 war,

Landau’s latest piece cries out for rebuttal.

Especially on Erev Yom Kippur.

CAPS appear with COMMENTARY

NEWS ANALYSIS

Peres-Arafat meeting embroiled in competing post-terror forces

By David Landau

JERUSALEM, September 25 (JTA). It is too early to tell whether the long-awaited LONG AWAITED IS A TERM USED FOR MESSIAH and controversial DOESN’T SAY WHY meeting between Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres and Palestinian Authority President SINCE WHEN DOES LANDAU DESCRIBE ARAFAT AS A “PRESIDENT”?. THIS IS A PLO TERM WHICH HINTS THAT HIS STATE HAS ALREADY BEEN ESTABLISHED. since Yasser Arafat will produce a true cease-fire NO CEASE FIRE HAS BEEN FELT AT ANY TIME IN THE PAST FOUR MONTHS and a resumption of peace negotiations between the two sides. But whatever its outcome, the meeting, scheduled for Wednesday, Erev Yom Kippur, made its mark even before it was held. It almost brought down Israel’s unity government, with intense arguments raging about whether to hold the meeting at all. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon found himself awkwardly placed between his government’s rightist LANDAU COULD HAVE SAID NATIONALIST. “RIGHTIST” CONNOTES FASCISM IN THE JEWISH WORLD faction and Peres, his Labor Party foreign minister. LANDAU “FORGETS” TO MENTION THAT ARAFAT’S FATAH MOVEMENT TOOK CREDIT FOR THE DRIVE-BY MURDER OF SARIT AMRANI, SHOT IN FRONT OF HER THREE LITTLE CHILDREN AND ARAFAT’S REFUSAL TO ABIDE BY SHARON’S REQUEST TO ORDER THE ARREST OF SARIT’S MURDERER. And it became entangled in a web of diplomatic maneuvering by the United States to form an international coalition against terror. If the Peres-Arafat meeting does prove a turning point in the Israeli-Palestinian relationship, and the course of events in this troubled land is markedly changed, the catalyst will have been the terror attacks on America and the diplomatic aftermath. The Palestinians say the armed intifada is now effectively over THIS IS NOTHING BUT A FABRICATION AND/OR A FIGMENT OF LANDAU’S IMAGINATION. THE RADIO, TV AND NEWSPAPERS OF THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY CONTINUE TO SUPPORT THE ARMED WAR AGAINST ISRAEL AT ALL OPPORTUNITIES. or at least greatly reduced. WHAT DOES THAT MEAN? WITH THE IDF REPORTING MORE THAN 300 ATTACKS IN THE PAST WEEK, WHAT DOES “REDUCED” MEAN? They cite the categorical orders issued publicly by Arafat, in Arabic, last weekend to military and paramilitary groups under his command to cease their attacks on Israel and Israelis and to rein in the opposition and fundamentalist groups such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad. IF LANDAU WERE TO DO HJIS HOMEWORK, HE WOULD HAVE SEEN THAT ARAFAT NEVER ASKED FOR HIS TROOPS TO CEASE THEIR ATTACKS They cite, too, the fact, confirmed by Israeli military sources, that the level of violence, though not completely halted – Palestinian gunmen carried out two fatal ambushes of Israeli women driving on West Bank roads – has dropped considerably during the past week.

Israeli sources IN OTHER WORDS, LANDAU”S IDEOLOGICAL BUDDIES FROM THE NEW MIDDLE EAST also say that Arafat, for the first time since the intifada began exactly a year ago, is acting in earnest to restrain would-be terrorists. RESTRAIN? WHEN HE WOULDN’T ARREST MURDERERS OF TWO WOMEN AND WHEN HIS FATAH TOOK CREDIT FOR MURDER?

Arafat’s decision to end the violence is seen as a direct response to the popular Palestinian reaction LANDAU FORGETS TO MENTION THAT THIS POPULAR REACTION MEANT MASSIVE CELBERATIONS OF THE PA. THAT WERE ORCHESTRATED BY ARAFAT’S TROOPS that followed the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.

Palestinian and outside observers say Arafat and his top leadership were appalled by the scenes of public rejoicing in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and in refugee camps in Lebanon and Jordan. PERHAPS ARAFAT WAS “APPALLED” BY THE US REACTION?

For the Palestinian leadership, these scenes, captured by Western media despite the Palestinian Authority’s strenuous efforts, evoked memories of Arafat’s dalliance with Saddam Hussein during the 1991 Gulf War and the huge price, in terms of Western support and popularity, that the Palestinian cause paid for that blunder.

Indeed, American public support for the Palestinians fell dramatically after September 11, according to polls.

Arafat knows, say analysts, that if the Palestinians’ standing continues to plummet in American public and governmental opinion, there will be powerful forces in Israel that will move to exploit his weakened situation, perhaps even by removing him and his coterie altogether.

On the Israeli side, that is precisely the sentiment one hears on the political right – much of which is represented in Sharon’s Cabinet.

“If I was hesitant before September 11 about a Peres-Arafat meeting, but did not act to block it,” says Eli Yishai, the Shas Party leader, “after September 11, I see no reason to proceed with it. It will only strengthen Arafat and weaken us.”

Yishai cited top Israeli intelligence officers who had warned that such a meeting would give Arafat legitimacy in American eyes and enable him to be part of the anti-terror coalition being built by the Bush administration.

Early in the week, Yishai swung his considerable political weight against the meeting – and succeeded in having it delayed.

Without saying so explicitly, Yishai plainly agreed with hard-liners in Israel who believed that the new world configuration against terror immediately following September 11 presented the Jewish state with a golden opportunity to defeat and perhaps even remove Arafat.

After all, Arafat had encouraged – or at least not prevented – acts of indiscriminate terrorism perpetrated against Israel over the past 12 months.

Another powerful player on the right, with influence over Sharon, is former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

In a slew of statements since September 11, Netanyahu openly compared Arafat to Osama bin Laden and said Israel should take this opportunity to get rid of him.

The former premier is plainly preparing his political comeback, preparing either to directly challenge Sharon for the Likud leadership or to lead a right-of-Likud alliance of parties to topple the premier.

Political pundits IN OTHER WORDS, LANDAU here attributed much of the prime minister’s apparent zigzagging about the Peres-Arafat meeting to the Netanyahu effect.

SHARON’S HESITATION TO APPROVE THE MEETING HAS NOTHING TO DO WITH ARAFAT’S CONTINUED APPROVAL OF TERROR ATTACKS

For his part, Peres was livid that the meeting with Arafat that Sharon had approved on Saturday night had been canceled on Sunday morning. He told his Labor colleagues he was going “on holiday” and muttered threats about quitting his job, since “I am not prepared to be a truncated foreign minister.”

The next day, Sharon and Peres breakfasted together and patched up their quarrel, agreeing that the meeting would take place if 48 hours if quiet elapsed. LANDAU FORGETS TO MENTION THAT QUIET DID NOT ELAPSE.

Peres’ view, diametrically opposed to that of the hard-liners, is that the trauma of September 11 provides a new opportunity for both Israel and the Palestinians to set aside violence and return to diplomacy.

FOR SUCH A STATEMENT, LANDAU SHOULD BE AWARDED AN HONORARY FELLOWSHIP AT THE PERES CENTER FOR PEACE

FOR SUCH A COMPLIMENT TO HIS CO-AUTHOR Peres also feels Israel must, for its own national interests, respond favorably and promptly to Washington’s request that it do its part to resume peace talks as its indirect contribution to the evolving anti-terror coalition. COULD IT BE THAT PERES SEES HIS POLITICAL FUTURE AND HONOR TIED TO THE CREDIBILITY OF ARAFAT AND THE OSLO PROCES?

Peres on Tuesday mocked Netanyahu – “Who is he? The president of America?” – for assuring Israeli TV viewers that there was no U.S. pressure on Israel to hold the meeting with Arafat. Peres broadly implied that in fact the opposite was the case: There was massive pressure from Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell. THE US GOVERNMENT DENIES THAT IT BROUGHT PRESSURE TO BEAR

Beyond the considerations of party and domestic politics, Sharon seems genuinely torn between his gut sympathy for the hard-liners and his realization that this position is out of synch with the U.S. administration, now girding itself for war. Bush and his team, whatever their personal views of Arafat, clearly do not wish to extend their anti-terror war to include the Palestinian leader, or even the Palestinian radicals, at least at this initial stage.

DID LANDAU GET THIS FROM BUSH?

What they do want is quiet on the ground and progress, or at least the impression of progress, in the long-stalled peace process between Israel and the Palestinians. LANAU COULD HAVE SAID ASCRIBED THE REASON: A WAR DECLARED BY THE PLO TO LIBERATE ALL OF PALESTINE. This, they reason, will make it much easier for moderate Arab states to align with the U.S. anti-terror effort. Given the Palestinians’ record on terrorism, that American perspective is not easy for Israelis to swallow. WHAT IS THE PALESTINIANS’ RECORD ON TERRORISM? WHY NOT SAY THE PLO’S RECORD ON TERRORISM? On the Israeli left, it is made more palatable by the hope that an evolving “new world order” and an America newly energized internationally will spell new prospects for a political settlement between Israel and the Palestinians. Israeli peaceniks recall that Bush’s father dragged A PEJORATIVE TERM. SINCE BOTH SIDES OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SPECTRUM APPRECIATED THIS PROCESS, WHY DOES LANDAU DENIGRATE IT? the then-Likud government to the Madrid peace conference, in the wake of the Gulf War, which ultimately led to the Oslo peace process.

For the Israeli right, the same recollection and the thought of new pressures in the aftermath of an American military campaign – perhaps as payback to the Arab states – is all the more worrisome.

IS THIS NOT A CONCERN TO ALL IN ISRAEL, NOT CONFINED TO THE ISRAELI “RIGHT”

These fears only compound the sense of deep discomfort over Arafat’s “legitimation” by his meeting with Peres. LANDAU FORGETS TO SAY WHY: FOR EIGHT YEARS OF WHAT HAS BEEN DESCRIBED AS A PEACE PROCESS, PERES HAS EXCUSED ARAFAT FOR NEVER UTTERING A WORD OF RECONCILIATION WITH ISRAEL OR RECOGNITION OF THE JEWISH STATE OR ZIONISM IN THE ARABIC LANGUAGE IN ANY PUBLIC OUTLET OF THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY, WHICH CONTINUES TO BE UNDER THE DIRECT DICTATORIAL CONTROL OF YASSIR ARAFAT

(Jewish Telegraphic Agency Inc. The above information is available on a read-only basis and cannot be reproduced without permission from JTA.)

A Test of Credibility

The “Rabbis for Human Rights” continue their cooperation with Palestinians on another level. As Rabbis, so director Rabbi Arik Ascherman, they work for a greater force than the State of Israel. The existence of the State of Israel is not to be maintained at all costs, says the controversial rabbi.

The “Rabbis for Human Rights” organization was founded in 1988 during the first intifada. It was a protest of religious bodies within Israel against government policy of breaking the bones of Palestinian children, to prevent them from throwing stones at Israeli security forces.

Currently, the “Rabbis for Human Rights” are involved with two major campaigns.

One is the “Committee against House Demolition”. Within this project, they cooperate with a range of different organizations. One of them is “Gush Shalom”, a radical Israeli group that advocates the forced expulsion of all Jews who live beyond the 1967 cease fire lines.

Another is the Palestinian “LAW” – an NGO designed to give legal support to the Palestinian Authority. Among “LAW” causes is the extensive campaign to indict Ariel Sharon in Belgium, on charges of war crimes against the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon. “LAW” is also active on having Israel declared an Apartheid State with the resulting economic sanctions imposed by the UN. Rabbi Ascherman denies that “LAW” calls Israel an Apartheid State, even though “LAW” has these campaigns publicly on their website. The other project of the “Rabbis for Human Rigths” is the “olive tree campaign”.

Around the village of Hares, based in Area B – under Palestinian control for civil affairs and under Israeli control for security reasons -, a certain amount of olive trees have been either uprooted or cut down.

According to information received from Hares liason officer and P.A. ministry of social affairs employee Nawwaf Souff, the trees were cut down on different occasions.

According to Souff, there are trees that have been uprooted by the Israeli Defense Forces using bulldozers and trees supposedly cut down by Israeli settlers living near by. So far no independent source could be found, to confirm the statements made by Nawwaf Souf.

At a visit in the village of Hares, it was evident, that the “Rabbis for Human Rights” director Rabbi Arik Ascherman had never been in the olive tree fields himself, prior to this occasion. Thus it must be assumed, that the whole campaign was mounted on the grounds of other people having reporting things to the “Rabbis for Human Rights”.

The person who did report back to the Rabbis, it was discovered, was one Neta Golan, a woman activist who had previously spent a week within the village of Hares. Her main activity has been to contact peace groups in Europe and America and to monitor volunteers of such organizations being placed in the line of fire in houses in villages like Bet Jalla or Bethlehem. This action has been done to prevent Israeli Defence Forces to retaliate for Palestinian attacks for fear of killing international civilians and thus involving other countries in the conflict. It must be assumed that this was done in order to draw even military intervention in support of Palestinians.

Yet according to Nawwaf Souf, the uprooted trees were replanted the very next day by the inhabitants of the village Hares.

Thus, a current visit reveals hardly any uprooted tree. The trees that have been cut, are already sporting new greenery and it is clear that they will completely recover from the cutting. Nawwaf Souf explained that depending where a tree is cut, it may recover.

The resulting assumption must be, that either who cut those trees was ignorant enough not to know that the trees would recover, or that the person who cut them, did not want to harm the trees on a long term basis. A possible explanation is delivered by Rabbi Arik Ascherman himself.

Those trees, he informed, have been used in the past by Palestinians as a cover to throw stones and attack Israelis at nearby roads. Thus, it can be understood, that the Israeli Defense Forces have removed the problem.

According to Rabbi Arik Ascherman, the Torah states clearly, that one is not allowed to cut down fruit trees even in war. Because they provide the opponent with food and once a war is over, this also may be an obstacle in the relations between both people. This rule of nor cutting trees is the main reason, so Rabbi Arik Ascherman, why the “Rabbis for Human Rights” got involved in the “olive tree campaign”. But seeing how the trees were cut, one has to give recognition that they were cut down in a way maintaining two Torah principles to save lives and not to destroy fruit trees. There are some trees which have been removed, to make way for road construction and installation of electricity plants.

The “Rabbis for Human Rights” have raised 70 000 Dollars for the “olive tree campaign”. These funds are not intended to replace trees, as the organization stated while fundraising. The funds are going to be paid to Palestinian families in cash. The “Rabbis for Human Rights” have no list of families who’s trees have been damaged. Palestinian contacts are in complete charge of the money distribution. The “Rabbis for Human Rights” hand over the 70 000 Dollars to their contacts. The contacts are for one the secretary of the “Committee for Land Defense”, Issa Samandar, as stated by himself in a telephone interview, and Nawwaf Souf, as witnessed while bills were exchanged between him and Rabbi Arik Ascherman in Soufs family house.

The “Rabbis for Human Rights” trust their Palestinian contacts completely and thus see no need to control what actually happens with the money, once it has been handed over. At this moment it is not yet known what is purchased with that money.

Issa Samandar made it a point to stress that the families should have the feeling that they are not receiving charity as not to hurt their dignity. So far no answers have been provided as to how the “Committee for Land Defense” achieves this purpose.

The “Rabbis of Human Rights” have received extensive support for their “olive tree campaign” from within the Palestinian society. They have been exempt from the general ban pronounced by the Palestinian umbrella organization for NGO’s – “PNGO” against Israeli NGO’s. They have also received, so Arik Ascherman, considerable backing from P.A. officials. As far as monetary support is concerned, they were able to fund raise successfully from the “Rabbinical Association of the Reform, Conservative and Reconstructionist Movements.”, “Not In My Name”, the “Shefa Fund” and the “New Israel Fund”. In Europe, donations are said to be coming from Christian communities in Germany, Holland, Switzerland and England. “The Economic Cooperation Foundation” has sponsored some ads in the newspapers for the “Rabbis for Human Rights” campaign and they do have regular meetings with each other. In consideration of the actual political climate, following the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, it has to be seen if the “Rabbis for Human Rights” will continue to receive as much support from international sources. So far, Rabbi Ascherman does not seem to want to discontinue the work they have been doing in the area. The olive trees are a symbol of Palestinian nationalism. They are actively used to claim or deny land on both sides of the fence. While Palestinians are trying to defend their trees against Israeli destruction, as well as using them as a weapon against Israelis, it seems that there is also a campaign organised by the “Committee for Land Defense” to register land in Area C (under complete Israeli control) and to try to regain this land for Palestinians, even prior to any final settlements on land ownership and border outlines between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority.

The olive trees and the money collected by the “Rabbis for Human Rights” are thus not merely a means to provide a family with an income, but rather a political weapon being used in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Israel Foreign Minister Shimon Peres: Oslo Process Cannot be Erased

The Oslo Process was a moral and a Jewish choice. The late Yitzhak Rabin and I went to Oslo for moral reasons: not because we had no choice, not out of weakness, but with a sense of national mission and historic conscience.

We went to implement the deep internal desire of our people not to control another people. Throughout all the years of Jewish history, we never controlled another people, and our occupation of the territories was the outcome of a security reality. At Oslo there was an historic encounter between historic expectations, necessary pragmatism and a moral choice on the Israeli side, with the new expectations and necessary pragmatism on the Palestinian side.

There is no question that the Palestinian problem is (and remains) the heart of the Middle East conflict. We will apparently know no rest until this problem is resolved by peaceful means. On the Israeli side, we knew that the Palestinians had expectations regarding the right of return, Jerusalem and the map of Israel. However, I believed then, and I still believe today, that problems can be resolved without relinquishing dreams. Not all of our dreams can be realized either.

The right of return was, in my opinion, an Arab dream that is sentenced to remain a dream. I remember that when I proposed to Yitzhak Rabin that we “go for peace with Jordan” (in contrast to the assumption then that we could reach a peace agreement with Syria first), he told me that he did not believe that King Hussein would give up on the issue of refugees and their right of return to the West Bank. I asked his consent to try and check this out with the Jordanian king. And indeed, I found that if we restored land, gave water and preserved Jordan’s status on the Temple Mount, we could make peace even without realizing the right of return to inside the State of Israel. I believe that this also holds true for the Palestinians. In Oslo, for the first time, we embarked on a daring path. We went far, without leaving reality behind.

What did we get from the Palestinians?

For the first time, a Palestinian partner was created with whom we could conduct negotiations. A partner that recognized the State of Israel’s right to exist and did not call for its destruction. This was not the Jerusalem mufti, this was not the Arafat who replaced him. They were no partners to peace, they were the leaders of a war of terror. Until Oslo, that is. In Oslo, for the first time, there was a Palestinian leader who said and promised to move from violence, to negotiations.

In the letter appended to the Oslo agreements, Arafat crossed the Rubicon and committed to move from bullets to words: The PLO recognizes the State of Israel’s right to exist in peace and security and commits to resolve problems by peaceful means, it is written.

It is worth remembering that in order to reach an agreement, one needs a partner, not just a plan. Both of these conditions were created at Oslo. For the first time, there was a Palestinian leader and a Palestinian movement that sufficed with the ’67 map (22% of the entire Land of Israel). Even if we did not like this, there was no ignoring the Palestinian viewpoint, which saw this as a compromise.

And for the first time, a Palestinian side was created that was willing to move toward peace gradually in regard to time, authority and place. In other words, five years until a final status arrangement; autonomy before statehood; Gaza and Jericho first.

Incidentally, the Oslo agreement would have never come about if I had proposed “Gaza first,” to which I added Jericho (with Yitzhak Rabin’s consent of course and with Hosni Mubarak’s support).

For the first time, the State of Israel was recognized in fact and in deed, and things began to happen on the ground: terror decreased dramatically, the start of self-rule began in Gaza and Jericho, a new mood prevailed in relations between Jews and Arabs, the peak of which was the Casablanca conference, the most impressive conference on peace and economics ever to take place in the Middle East — 1,000 political leaders and 1,000 economic leaders from all over the world and the region, including Jews and Arabs.

Thanks to Oslo, we made a peace agreement with Jordan. Israel began to flourish economically, politically and security-wise. New markets opened up and diplomatic relations were established with many Arab states such as Morocco, Tunis, Qatar, Oman and others.

To my great sorrow, Iranian involvement in the ’96 elections by means of cruel and evil terror via Hamas and Islamic Jihad led to a change of government by a margin of less than one percent.

This interference was by means of terrible bombs put on buses in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. Arafat only realized the danger too late, and only then employed a strong hand against these organizations, he imprisoned their leaders, confiscated their weapons, seized their archives, and in clashes with us, around 20 men of these organizations were killed.

The fruits of these actions against terror were enjoyed by those who replaced me as prime minister.

What did the Palestinian side get?

Recognition of the Palestinian entity; a promise of getting back most of the territory; international legitimacy; gradual release of Israel’ control over their lives (a control that in any case we wanted to put an end to for moral reasons. The Jewish people have never wanted to control another people). They tasted the taste of freedom, the hope for independence, the opportunity to build their own house and to be released from the tragedy that was partly of their own doing.

They earned international support to build their own economic infrastructure.

They, like us, began to realize that a good neighbor was better than a big gun.

The results of the ’96 elections put an end to the Oslo process.

The frame was built, but the house was not completed. It was left open to the winds and to human doubt.

The Oslo Process real sin was that the agreement was not upheld. We were left stuck in the middle, with one government proposing a too-little alternative, and another government proposing too much.

The balance became lost.

What was sown in Oslo cannot be erased. It began a new chapter, a chapter of hope, a chapter of security, a chapter of good neighbors, a chapter of peace. There is no doubt that this chapter will be completed, sooner or later. No one has any other choice.

Those who deny this can rejoice for now. Those who believe must not despair, neither today nor tomorrow.

This article ran in Yediot Aharonot, September 17th, 2001

A Moral Victory in Durban

THE FORUM of non-governmental organizations or NGOs at the World Conference Against Racism can be considered a turning point in the history of the global human rights movement – not because of the victory of one of the longest-suffering victims of colonialism, nor because reparations for slavery were introduced on the international agenda, but because the role of the southern states at this world event eclipsed the usual center stage role of the northern and international NGOs.

Still, the southern NGOs should not be euphoric, as their victory was more moral than strategic. Its practical dividends are very limited and rely upon the ability of the southern NGOs to follow up and widen their discourse.

Inserting new language

The importance of the final declaration adopted by the 3,750 organizations that met in Durban is that it established new language for the victims beyond the legal-bureaucratic standard behind which international NGOs have always hidden. Three developments were prominent, the first of which addresses the apartheid model of Israeli colonial politics. It is not striking that the South African organizations strongly supported Palestinian claims, considering that representatives of the Network of South African NGOs (SANGOCO) visited Palestine during the Intifada and saw first-hand how the Oslo negotiations process has created Bantustans out of the Palestinian territories.

The conference declared that “Israel is a racist, apartheid state in which Israel’s brand of apartheid as a crime against humanity has been characterized by separation and segregation, dispossession, restricted land access, denationalization, ‘bantustanization’ and inhumane acts.” Thus, the conference program of action called for the launching of an international anti-Israel apartheid movement similar to that implemented against South African apartheid, which established a global solidarity campaign network of international civil society, United Nations bodies and agencies and business communities and for the ending of the conspiracy of silence among states, particularly the European Union and the United States.

It also called upon “the international community to impose a policy of complete and total isolation of Israel as an apartheid state, as in the case of South Africa, which means the imposition of mandatory and comprehensive sanctions and embargoes, the full cessation of all links (diplomatic, economic, social, aid, military cooperation and training) between all states and Israel.”

It asked that South Africa “take the lead in this policy of isolation, bearing in mind its own historical success in countering the undermining policy of ‘constructive engagement’ with its own past Apartheid regime.” It also condemned those states supporting “the Israeli Apartheid state and its perpetration of racist crimes against humanity including ethnic cleansing, acts of genocide.”

The second development that emerged was, in my mind, a kind of irrational revenge taken by the Palestinians against the Western media and international NGOs’ half-hearted criticism of Israeli policies. The declaration generalized the use of “acts of genocide” to refer to what Palestinians, as well as the Kurds, have experienced in their colonial conflicts. It is in general disputable whether Israeli policies can described as such, although in particular cases such as the 1982 massacre of Palestinians in Sabra and Shatilla refugee camps the United Nations General Assembly and the High Commissioner of Human Rights spoke of “acts of genocide.”

But what is important here is that the victims set out to alarm international organizations that traditionally only use strong language such as “war crime,” “crime against humanity” and “genocide” when Western countries or their interests are parties to the conflict (as in Bosnia, for one). What has happened in developing countries, on the other hand, has usually been described by these same organizations in banal terminology. This declaration was quite rational and even revolutionary in using the words “ethnic cleansing” and “crimes against humanity” in the Palestinian case in such an important document.

The third development of the conference established a separation between anti-Semitism on the one hand and anti-Zionism and anti-Israeli policies on the other. The Palestinians and the Arab delegates insisted on their sympathy for victims of anti-Semitism and anti-Jewish sentiment. They pointed out that the session should separate Judaism as a confession from the political program of Zionism and Israeli policies, so that it be evident that being anti-Israeli is not conflated into anti- Jewish racism (just as being anti-apartheid is not conflated into anti- white racism).

The reperteur of the session on anti-Semitism did not take this into account and forced an article onto the draft declaration that considered all critics of Israel as de-legitimizing the State of Israel and perpetrating a form of anti-Semitism. But when the article was proposed by the ecumenical caucus, 37 of the 39 caucuses – all except the Jewish caucus and abstaining international NGOs caucus – voted to delete this item.

In this debate, the critics of Zionism as a national ideology were largely absent. In fact, many discussions were held previously in Cairo and Geneva and Durban between the Arab caucus members. Most of these members, supported by most of the Palestinian human rights organizations, opposed the mentioning of Zionism. Other organizations, like the Arab Lawyers Union, were in favor. The compromise was that the declaration mentioned the political practices of Zionism and not Zionism as a national ideology and cultural and social thought.

An Arab participant did try to contest the declaration’s usage of “Holocaust” with capital “H” on the basis that the lower case “h” includes all communities subjected to the genocidal policies of the Nazi occupation of Europe, notably the Roma and Sinti communities, and to underscore that the term ought not be used to refer to the genocide of only one ethnic group excluding all others. However, the steering committee did not accept this proposition.

It did accept the addition of a paragraph that attempted to highlight anti- Arab sentiment and Islamophobia. The final declaration noted that: “the Arabs as a Semitic people have also suffered from alternative forms of anti-Semitism, manifesting itself as anti-Arab discrimination and for those Arabs who are Muslim, also as Islamophobia.”

Voices of the victim and the south are heard Although many believe that the Intifada had a major impact on the sympathy of world NGOs, I consider its role to be quite secondary. I think three other major factors played a hand: the role of the southern organizations in setting the agenda of the conference, the marginalization of international human rights organizations and finally, the importance of the voice of victims at Durban.

Simply, this conference was not like other world and international conferences such as the Social Development Summit in Copenhagen or the World Development Network in Bonn. There, northern organizations monopolized preparations and the setting of the agenda, thus deciding who should talk and for how much time and when. Subsequently, the southern voice was marginalized. (Even when conferences have been held in a southern country, this hegemony has not often differed. When the World Conference on Women was held in Beijing in 1995, China was in isolation from the international scene and took a low profile in the preparations, satisfied with its role as a host country.)

This conference against racism was held in a highly symbolic country that suffered tremendously under apartheid. SANGOCO played a major role in preparing the conference and in the choice of the speakers and the steering committee for the NGO Forum. Furthermore, SANGOCO also organized jointly with Islamic organizations a demonstration of 40,000 people, as reported by the South African newspaper Mercure, on the third day of the conference.

The second important factor in this conference’s success was the marginalization of international organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. While they attempted to influence the process behind the scenes, they were grouped into the International NGOs Caucus, which had one voice just like any of the other caucuses.

Inside this caucus there were different positions. In this respect, the International Federation of Human Rights was more sensitive to the claims of Palestinians than others. Amnesty International, on the other hand, had a very curious position. Irene Khan, its General Secretary, intervened in the last session to propose adding to the first paragraph of the declaration the following sentences: “As NGOs, we are a diverse group, representing different constituencies, with varied interests, experiences and perspectives. But we are united in our goal to denounce and combat racism and human rights violations, in whatever form and wherever they occur. The contentious and complex nature of some of the problems should not obscure the broad agreement within the NGO community on a range of issues. A global anti-racist and human rights network is slowly emerging, and no one can afford to ignore its voice.” Her point was to say that there are different narratives from the victims and that these narratives did not express a kind of consensus.

During her intervention the head of the Jewish Caucus gave her a paper, which she was ready to read until the public protested. Finally, the chair of the meeting asked the participants if they agreed with her proposal. Only very few hands were raised.

In addition, the international organizations tried to convince some Palestinian members of the NGO delegation to compromise on the language of the declaration in the name of real politics and the necessity of achieving a compromise with the Jewish caucus, despite its small minority. On this, the position of Human Rights Watch was clearer. Reed Brody, Advocacy Director of the organization, declared that the use of the word “acts of genocide” to describe Israeli policies was not precise and that Amnesty was not justified in abstaining in the vote.

The third factor of the moral victory concerns the voice of the victim. Unlike other world conferences, participants were not only those accredited by the United Nations, which are large NGOs and not grassroots voluntary organizations. At Durban, about 3,750 organizations participated, most of them from southern countries. These were represented in the 40,000 demonstrators in the streets of Durban who included South African landless people, anti-privatization activists and, above all, those against apartheid in Israel. The demonstration closed by delivering to the South African president and General Secretary of the United Nations a memorandum of claims. From discussion with the participants, it was clear that this action came largely from grassroots organizations and not from elitist ones. It is not anecdotic to say that only the Palestinian and Jewish caucus had some members who wore ties. Most participants bore T-shirts inscribed with their cause.

Incontestably, this conference is the turning point in the history of the global human rights movement. The shift is not between the classic diplomatic actors and NGO actors, but towards actors who are victims themselves. The victory is hence a moral victory, albeit one not reflected in the conference resolution because international organizations had already set out to marginalize the NGO declaration. United Nations Human Rights Commissioner Mary Robinson even initially refused to receive the declaration from the NGOs, describing it as “rude.”

For the future, the Palestinian organizations can learn from this event that they should have more solidarity with other victims. For example, very few Palestinians participated in the demonstrations and workshops for the Dalits, Kurds and Romas. The cultural minorities and groups in the Arab world such as the Amazigh people (referred to by others as Berbers) have yet to get the attention of Arab human rights organizations. The Palestinian delegation did not participate in the thematic caucus, resulting in very little influence. It would help in the future for them to be global and humanistic and not local and parochial in their discourse.

Despite that criticism, one must say that this experience was a rich one for all the southern organizations, one that emphasized their solidarity and the importance of mobilizing the grassroots. -Published 12/9/01 ©Palestine Report

NOTE: For more details about the comparison between the Durban conference and other World conferences, see Hanafi and Taber, “Donors, International NGOs and Local NGOs. The Emerging of the Globalized Elite,” Ramallah: Muwatin (2001).

Sari Hanafi is Director of Shaml Palestinian Diaspora.
Published in Palestine Report, September 12, 2001

Seize The Moment

Israel now has a rare opportunity to turn world public opinion around in its direction and to take diplomatic and military action that it has refrained from taking until now for fear of international reactions.

The ideological alliance between Osama Bin Laden and Yasser Arafat, along with the pictures of the Palestinians celebrating the death and injury of tens of thousands of Americans as a result of terrorism, aroused nausea throughout the world. Now they better understand who it is that we are dealing with. Israel too needs at this time a leader that will seize the moment and take action against terrorism with means that they have not dared use until now. Ariel Sharon knows exactly what this refers to.

The Israeli Gov’t Filmed the Demos of Joy and Expressed its Disappointment with the Foreign Media

“Press under terror” was how deputy director general for PR in the Foreign Ministry Gidon Meir described the behavior of news agencies who refused to broadcast the Palestinian celebrations in the streets over the wave of terror attacks in the United States.

Government sources said that this referred to Reuters and AP, whose representatives were threatened by Palestinians that they would be hurt if these pictures were broadcast.

The Foreign Ministry heard by chance about the celebrations the Palestinians held in the streets. A police officer, the son of Gidon Meir, told his father of the Palestinian jubilation in East Jerusalem. Meir reported on this immediately to the foreign networks. The Foreign Ministry and the IDF Spokesman’s Office also filmed the events.

The Foreign Ministry has a great deal of material from these festivities, but has decided not to circulate it aggressively, but to give it to those who ask. Many media companies from all over the world did ask, and received, the Foreign Ministry material.

This artcile ran in Yediot Aharonot on September 14, 2001

French Ambassador to Israel Distinguishes Between Terror in NYC and Terror in Israel

Israeli figures have leveled severe criticism about the statement made by the French ambassador in Israel, Jacques Huntzinger, who said “the terror attack in the US should not be mixed up with the terrorist activity by Palestinians against Israel.”

At a reception President Moshe Katzav held for the diplomatic staff in honor of the Jewish New Year, Ambassador Huntzinger told reporters: “We all condemn the terrorism Hamas and Islamic Jihad perpetrate here. But this terrorism is linked to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict which must be solved. One cannot compare this conflict to the tragic events in the US. Such a comparison would be politically irresponsible. Arafat must act to stop terrorism, but this conflict must be settled.”

As for the terror attacks in the US, the ambassador, who is considered an important friend of Israel, said, “We don’t know for certain if Bin-Laden is tied to the terror attacks and who is responsible for the tragedy in the US.”

The ambassador appeared upset and angry while making these statements, which he repeated twice.

The journalists were astounded by what he said and by the way he was behaving which was termed “clearly undiplomatic.” They repeatedly asked him about comparing terrorism to terrorism. And the ambassador angrily repeated what he said, while condemning the terror attacks by Hamas and Islamic Jihad.

The ambassador’s statements caused astonishment. A political source in Jerusalem said, “In a proper country such an ambassador would not stay one minute longer. Had that terror attack taken place at the Eiffel Tower, the French ambassador would have spoken differently.” The Foreign Ministry are requesting clarification from the French government.

The political establishment also had serious criticism for the French ambassador’s statements. President Moshe Katzav said, “I regret that Europe is trying to maintain a balance between Israel’s decision to foil terror attacks, and the terror attacks themselves. One cannot maintain such a balance. Whoever says such things gives terrorism legitimacy and a green light.”

Chairman of the [Knesset] Education Committee Zvulun Orlev (NRP) said, “This is a serious statement which seems to have anti-Semitic and racist elements. If the ambassador does not apologize, he should be sent home.” Michael Kleiner (Herut): “The French ambassador is the Peton for the year 2001, an anti-Semitic racist whose letter of accreditation should be rescinded immediately and who should be sent to packing to Paris. The justices who convicted Dreyfus would be proud of him.”

A source in the French Foreign Ministry said last night that the ambassador is a “great friend” of Israel, and that the Foreign Ministry officials in Paris say jokingly of Huntzinger that he is “hooked on Israel.” The French source said he believed that ambassador “simply slipped up in speaking.”

Lior El-Hai adds: This morning a joint Labor Party-Likud demonstration is to be held in Haifa in front of the French consulate to protest the ambassador’s statements and call for his return to France, and “to replace him with a more suitable ambassador.”

This artcile ran in Yediot Aharonot on September 14, 2001

Terror Expert Prof Ariel Marari

Prof. Ariel Marari, a leading world expert on terror and political violence, who has held a series of key positions relating to world terror, tried to confront the question of questions this week: how is that a superpower, the only superpower in the world, was caught with its pants down.

Question: What does the world know now that it didn’t know Tuesday morning?

“It’s not that the world knows something it didn’t know before, but there is no doubt: the world has been dealt a blow to its consciousness. Among the scenarios, there was one called ‘catastrophic terror.’ But the truth is, it wasn’t taken seriously. This possibility was not internalized.”

Question: What do you mean by “not internalized?”

The American administration, in all its branches, made many preparations for ‘catastrophic terror,’ but this present occurrence is very unique. Regarding the method, there is nothing new here. It’s the same well-known method that has been in use for decades. The first plane ever hijacked was in 1931. The difference, this time, is in the results. As far as the results go, this is indeed ‘catastrophic terror.'”

Question: You mean they were ready for it?

“I say again, they never internalized this as a possibility. They said we’re working on it as a contingency plan, so that we have one. I, who dealt with this a lot, sat in working groups in which catastrophic simulation games were played, and had the feeling that this could perhaps happen in some undefined future. Certainly not here and now. The Americans have been dealt a hard blow, in their own home, on its most precious symbols.”

Question: And the writing was not on the wall?

“No. I did not consider it. If you’d asked me on Monday abut such an possibility, I wouldn’t have believed it. For years terror has been in a fairly static state. As far as the methods used, nothing had changed much.

What did we have, car bombs? Those have been around since 1947. Suicide bombers is also nothing new, and certainly not plane hijacking. So what is new here? Hijacking a plane to bomb it? Ahmed Jibril did this in 1970, with a Swissair plane, that blew up and fell into the sea, killing all the passengers. What is new here?

“But today we are talking about completely different dimensions. When you put it all together, the hijacking of four planes simultaneously, ensuring that the planes have an enormous amount of fuel, choosing destinations one of which is the most densely packed in the world (the Twin Towers building) and another target that is also heavily populated as well as a symbol of American military might (the Pentagon) the effect is far beyond what was common terror practice until now.”

Question: But if all the figures were known, how is it you didn’t think it would happen?

“A good question, for which I don’t have an answer. I can only apologize.”

Question: Binyamin Netanyahu spoke of it long ago. Now he also says that compared to what can still happen in the future, this attack was “small potatoes.”

“I don’t think it was ‘small potatoes.’ At the same time, when Netanyahu wrote his book a few years ago, I thought he was exaggerating. I must really be careful now.”

Question: He meant that within a short time, terrorists were liable to obtain a nuclear bomb and that then the situation would be much worse.

“The chances of a terror organization obtaining a nuclear bomb are not large, and they have no chance of producing such a bomb themselves. They can obtain biological or chemical weapons, but then they have the problem of dispersal. The Japanese cult had chemical weapons and no lack of funds, volunteers or technicians, but the number of those killed in the subway was only 12. Dispersing such weapons is problematic.”

Question: So what is new now? Is this war?

“Yes. This is definitely a new type of war. The person who did this broke new records. Until now, terrorists did not use all the capabilities at their disposal to cause the maximum number of casualties. There were limits they did not cross. George Habash’s Popular Front, for example, hijacked four planes in 1970, landed them, blew them up, but first took off the passengers. The person who perpetrated the present event had the goal of killing as many as possible. He must know — and he does know — that he has awakened the American giant from its slumber.”

Question: A giant that was asleep until today.

“Relatively. Relatively to other countries, the US was in fact very active in the war against terror. It has never rested until it has caught terrorists.”

Question: Would it be correct to say that Tuesday was an historic crossroads?

“Without a doubt. This is an historic crossroads for terror as well as for the war on terror. The world, in many senses, will be different now. The effect of this event goes beyond the significance of terror. It will have far reaching effects on all matters touching on international relations.”

Question: How will this be seen from the American aspect?

“In all sorts of ways. The US has a list of terror-sponsoring nations. American law states that the State Department writes up the list and America imposes sanctions on states appearing on the list. Iraq, Iran, Libya, Syria, Cuba and North Yemen appear on it. And indeed, American companies do not do business with them. On the other hand, European countries laugh hugely at this. Germany, France, even Holland, trade with them and call this ‘dialogue.’ The Germans explain to the Iranians: ‘We are different than you in our perceptions, we think that what you are doing when it comes to human rights is wrong, but if you want to do business, we’re ready.’ Iran owes Germany several billion dollars in credit and technical aid. Now, no European country will be able to relate indifferently to countries that sponsor terror.”

Question: In other words, it will be easier for the US?

“Definitely. For example, take sanctions on Iraq, which the US has been struggling for years to keep. Now it will be a lot easier. Not only in western Europe, but Russia and China as well.”

Question: And will this have an effect on Russia leaking weapons to Iran?

“I think so. There is no doubt that the Americans will apply all their weight from now on.”

Question: Is it significant that this is a Republican government?

“In this matter it makes no difference. The American people, just like with Pearl Harbor, now has a sense of being at war.”

Question: Let’s change direction. The world is now denouncing, but over time will reach the conclusion that it has to find a way to live with terrorists. To make compromises with them. Just as it did in the past with the PLO.

“In the example of the PLO, you’re right, that is exactly what happened. The Palestinians committed terror attacks in Europe, and all the countries in whose territories they happened were quick to proclaim how inhumane this was but, under the table, made arrangements whereby they promised the Palestinians that they would let them open delegations in their country and even support them in the UN when they asked for observer status, on condition they not commit terror attacks on their soil. But there is no parallel here.”

Question: Why not?

“Because in those cases, the attacks were against Israeli or Jewish interests, and only because it was convenient did the attacks take place in Europe. This week the Americans understood very well that this attack was directly against them. To kill as many Americans as possible, to strike at the heart of the United States. This time the Americans are the victims. Tuesday, without a doubt, was the watershed. The world will view things differently now.”

Question: When it comes to terror?

“Every year the State Department prepares a report on international terror. And there, among other things, are figures on the number of all the victims of terror. Each year this number comes to about 300 casualties. A colleague of mine once said ‘what does terror in fact do except make a lot of noise?’ After all, more people die every year from bee stings than from terror attacks. But over 10,000 dead in the heart of New York and Washington is an incredible shock. The world will not be able to adopt the same policy in place up until now.”

Question: Let’s say it is known that an organization in Damascus is planning a terror attack. Then what?

“If the Americans know that there is an organization in Syria planning an attack against Americans, the Syrians will immediately be given an ultimatum that within 48 hours, or something like that, they must transfer these people to the US to stand trial.”

Question: And if the Syrians don’t?

“They will do to them exactly what they did to Iraq, when American intelligence had information that Saddam Hussein was planning to commit an attack against former President Bush in the course of his visit to Kuwait. They did not commit the attack, but as punishment, the Americans struck at Baghdad with cruise missiles.”

Question: Can you envision a situation in which the Americans do such a thing to Damascus or Teheran?

Yes. Absolutely. There are no question marks here. After the present attacks, the Americans will have a light finger on the trigger, in a way we haven’t seen before.”

Question: However awkward it is to say this, perhaps this tragedy is good for Israel?

“In every bad there is some good. We are in the middle of a terrible week, a hard week, the pictures are awful, so many innocent people killed, all of them random victims. But like the NBC correspondent said who held up the headline of the Washington Post: ‘Disgrace.’ The Americans now feel that their national honor has been terribly insulted. There has been a frightful blow to everything the US stands for as the leader of the free world. There is no question that what happened will give a good shake to the apathy and egoism of many countries, such as the shameful European attitude toward Libya, Iran or Syria. This blow, that was taken by America, has changed international relations in a very fundamental way.”

Question: And where is Israel in all this? The Israeli-Palestinian conflict?

“One could say cynically that if we now wanted to wipe Jenin off the map, the Americans would say ‘go ahead.’ I’m assuming that we won’t want to wipe it off, but there is no doubt that understanding for us will be much greater. Not just from the Americans, but the Europeans as well.

“Take Carmi Gillon for example. What will the average Dane say if we hone the following dilemma: assume that the FBI catches one of this gang and this person has information that the cell is planning something terrible, but the man refuses to say what and he cannot be touched, even with your little pinkie. Or else he begins to claim his rights, asks to call a lawyer, who shows up and begins to prattle about ‘my client wants this, my client doesn’t want that,’ and then he has to be released on bail, while in the meantime an attack takes place killing 20,000 people. Would the average Dane think it immoral in that case to shake the suspect?”

Question: How will this attack effect terror organizations?

“For them, this attack has opposing consequences. On the one hand, it set a new threshold, something to aspire to. Not only that, look, it’s not even that complicated. On the other hand, I think that terror organizations are on alert today. They realize very well that the mood in the world is in favor of dealing a blow to terror, a mood of broad approval for taking action against terrorists.”

Question: Can Israel now allow itself to do things it has not done until now?

“If this is a strategic decision, there is no doubt that now is a very convenient time. Incidentally, I personally am against entering Area A.”

Question: Will Hamas and Islamic Jihad think twice today before dispatching a suicide terrorist?

“Hamas was always very radical from an ideological aspect, but also very pragmatic. They always made considerations of profit and loss before undertaking action. For example, after the attacks in 1996, when the Palestinian Authority came down hard on them, froze their bank accounts, took over their mosques and shaved their beards to humiliate them, they stopped terror attacks.”

Question: What does this mean for the immediate future?

“I believe they will take a break. While the real inclination of the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian people is to rejoice and hand out candy, Arafat understood very quickly the political ramifications of this and began to make faces as if he was very sad and to send condolences. He realized that if he didn’t do this, he would be in big trouble with America.”

Question: So perhaps these events could be used as a means to obtain a cease-fire?

“If Arafat had any sense – something in doubt in light of all the strategic nonsense he’s committed in the course of his career — he could use this tragic event as a ladder to climb down from the tree. Because so far, he has climbed up the Intifada tree and placed all his political cards there, but not produced any gain. He has only caused suffering to his people, radicalized Israeli society, and there is still no sign that Israel is willing today to give him anything more than Ehud Barak was willing to give. Less, if anything. But I doubt he will have the courage and the long term vision to do so.”

Question: How can such terror attacks be prevented?

“This requires a series of answers. First of all, this was clearly an intelligence failure. Obviously it is not easy to obtain intelligence information on terror organizations, because it means infiltrating agents, and if it is a foreign organization, then it is not a simple thing. It’s particularly difficult when it comes to organizations that are very united ideologically, while geographically, like in the case of Bin Laden’s group, they are also very dispersed.”

Question: Could such an event also happen here?

“In principle, yes. You think Israeli intelligence has only had successes? Was a prime minister not assassinated in Israel? Have we not had terror attacks? Remember, the first plane to be hijacked was an El Al plane.”

Question: And how do you think we would react?

“I assume that if this happened here, God forbid, we would respond very harshly, including with territorial implications. And I also assume, that under these circumstances, Arab countries like Egypt and Jordan would not intervene.”

Question: Speaking of Israel, it is still more difficult to hijack an Israeli plane.

“Hijacking an airplane in the US is very easy, particularly domestic flights. In the US, the airlines are responsible for security, not the state. I assume this will change now. Pilots are also instructed to do whatever the hijacker says so as not to endanger the passengers. In the US they are not careful about keeping the cockpit door locked. On El Al, the door is locked and armored. There are guards on El Al. If there had been one guard with a gun, he would most likely have been able to stop their operation. Such an attack, with knives, could not have taken place on El Al.”

Question: As of now, no real organization has claimed responsibility. Bin Laden denies involvement. What interest does an organization have in committing these attacks if no one knows who they are?

“To cause pain to the Americans, to signal its supporters at home. For the Moslems, Bin Laden already has the aura of a true hero. But he knows that if he claims responsibility for the attack, then either Afghanistan will have to assassinate him itself, or serve him up on a platter to the Americans, or America will go to war against Afghanistan.”

Question: Indeed? If the Americans demand him and do not get him, will they go in and take him?

“I think that is what will happen. The moment the Americans feel they have enough proof, they won’t wait for a court ruling. They will issue an ultimatum to the Taliban, and the entire world will support them. They will demand Bin Laden and his helpers.”

Question: And if they don’t get him?

“The Americans have the power to hurt. Cruise missiles for example. They will make all sorts of special operations. Let’s say, for example, that they send in a force to hunt him down. This is not the same as going into the heart of Iran to rescue a group of diplomats. He’s stuck somewhere in the mountains. I assume that with an intelligence effort, they can send in a force to pluck him up and bring him to the United States.”

Question: Do you envision Israeli-American cooperation?

“Yes. We won’t rush to get involved in a war against Afghanistan, but I imagine, that whatever the Americans ask, they’ll get.”

Question: After this week, is terror in the world stronger or weaker? “Weaker. The world reaction will be so harsh, that it will weaken.”

Question: Is there a country hiding behind the wings? “That cannot be ruled out. If Saddam Hussein is indeed very ill, and knows he is about to die, he could have good reason to settle scores with the Americans. In other words, to ensure his place in history.”

Question: Could it be another country? “It’s hard to believe. It is really an act of suicide.”

Question: Let’s say it is Iran. Is this a cause for war?

“Yes. Enough senators have said that this was an act of war against the United States.”

Question: How soon will we see the missiles flying?

“As soon as the Americans have proof. I believe that within a few days we will know who was behind this.”

Question: Would you say Bin Laden is a dead man?

“Do you know the Arabic phrase — ‘every dog has his day?’ The Americans know it well. If he did it, his days are numbered.”

This artcile ran in Maariv on September 14, 2001