Analysis: Reconsideration of Our Passion for PLO Statehood After Tisha B’av

The time has come to ask all those of us who had supported the concept of a Palestinian Arab state to recognize the error in our ways.

The concept of ceding a sliver of the land to another people may have been a good one. After all, why should neighbors not find a way to make peace with one another.

However, the Arabs reject the idea, and continue to demand that three million of their refugees return to where they came from in 1948 and that the return of the Jews to our land cease and desist.

Those of our fellow Jews who have advocated sovereignty for Palestinian Arabs do not do so out of malice or hatred of the Jewish people.

They advocate such an idea out a theoretical concept of justice and self-determination.

My own personal involvement of twelve years on the Israeli Left led me to meet with and dialogue with many sympathizers to the PLO on the other side.

PLO activists asked what they thought to be reasonable: We will give you peace if you ive up your obsession for Zion.

From Day One of the Oslo process, Arafat has been taking Truth Serum every day and proclaiming to his people that the purpose of the process is the conquest of the entire land.

Three million residents of the UNRWA Arab refugee camps believe him and they ready themselves to join forces with his trained and welll motivated Palestine Liberation Army of 50,000 to liberate the land of Israel.

A guerilla army against a nation with a strong army? Ask the FLN in Algeria and the NLF in Vietnam. These are the models for the PLO

The leaders of Israel, anxious in their passion for peace after one hundred years of war, moved quickly to cede territory and to provide training, arms and cooperation with Arafat’s military forces, while Arafat was arming and training the Hamas.

Yet the tragic mistake was in the speed of the Oslo process.

The late General Aharon Yariv, who conceptualized the very concept of “territory for peace”, put it best: “The Oslo process misinterprets our concept. We never said territory BEFORE peace. We said territory FOR peace”.

The ideal peace deal was with Jordan. Israel made a deal with the Hashemite kingdom in 1970 and signed the deal with King Hussein in 1994. The Jewish state first wanted to see how Hussein would behave. And Israel tested him, during the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the 1982 Lebanon invasion, the 1987-93 Intifada and the 1991 Gulf war. Only then did Israel sign a formal peace treaty with King Hussein.

That is not what happened with Arafat, the PLO and the new Palestine Authority. They see the Oslo process as a stage of war with the state of Israel, and they view the ceding of territory as a stage of surrender. Those who support this Olso process should take “Tisha B’av” and its message to take stock of reality.

When Arafat says JIHAD, he means it.

The Bridge : An ecological and bio-ethics disaster

When a group of Australian athletes attempted to cross the hastily constructed bridge erected over the Yarkon river, tragedy struck. The bridge collapsed, sending tens of young people plunging into the contaminated waters of the Yarkon River. Instead of competing at what many have called the Jewish Olympics (the international athletic competition called the HaMaccabiah Games) some of these Australians found themselves fighting for their lives in Israeli hospital intensive care centres. Apart from the expected trauma of a bridge collapse many were suffering complications suffered from inadvertently swallowing the poisonous waters of the Yarkon. Police rescue workers who waded into the sewage filled waters to rescue the athletes also were hospitalised, suffering from exposure to the high levels of poisonous substances used to coat the waters against the mosquitoes.

Dr. Eli Richter, Head of Environmental Medicine for Hebrew University, told Hebcom, “The medical problems of the victims were seriously complicated by the toxic substances in the waters of the Yarkon. Swallowing the waters and absorbtion through the skin negatively effected the victoms’ vital organs and pulmonary system.” Dr. Richter went on to say that toxic waste substances in the Yarkon seems to be a “never ending story.”

Israeli authorities suspect that faulty bridge construction caused the collapse. The chief Rabbi of Israel, Rabbi Israel Lau, stated that this tragedy is an indictment of Israeli indifference to human life in general. “We don’t pay enough respect to the value of human life, if we can do something as idiotic as this, which cost human lives.” He went on to connect what happened to the high level of traffic and industrial fatalities that occur in Israel yearly. He also implied that this disregard for the rights and safety of our fellow citizens is the real cause of the problem, ” It must shock us out of our apathy in the face of growing numbers of victims of work accidents and road accidents. What they have in common is a lack of proper respect for the value of the sanctity of life.”

Whatever the findings of the Israeli court of enquiry which has been appointed to determine if the bridge was safe, they will probably address themselves to the issue itself and not the cause. It is likely that the pollution levels of the Yarkon River will hardly be discussed at all. In this atmosphere of negligence in the building industry, in transportation, and in factory safety it comes as no surprise to find that the waters of the Yarkon are as deadly as the poorly constructed bridge which spaned it.

Rabbi Lau placed saw beyond the event and addressed the real cause; a lack of a basic bio-ethic awareness which could provide a safe human environment for the regions citizens as the century ends. Dr. Frank (Yeruham) Leavitt, of the Ben Gurion University Medical Ethics Center stated, “The Jewish people have lived so long in Exile, in lands not our own, that we never leared to love and respect the land. It will take years to build a culture with a bio-ethic oriented love for the environment.”

The problems of pollution started long before the emergence of the state of Israel. Josephus, the ancient historian, writes about the pollution of lake Kennerit during the Jewish Wars when the waters were tainted red by Jewish blood and that floating Jewish bodies made it difficult to manoeuvre a boat. Josephus gave us what was perhaps one of the first chronicles of a major man-made ecological disaster.

Today’s pollution is sewage, industrial waste, and insecticides; but, like the wages of war, the results of indifference to a safe human environment can be equally catastrophic for the area’s residents. The almost total disregard shown by the Israelis for their environment is now being mirrored by the newly emerging Palestinian Authority who do not see human and environmental issues as being their number 1 priority. One of the major architects of the Oslo peace accords, M.K. Jossi Sarrid, who served under Rabin and Peres as the Minister of the Environment, apparently didn’t place the Yarkon Pollution problem very high on his list of priorities. His pre-occupation with the endless Oslo peace process obviously cut drastically into his environmental work load.

The by-pass roads, which were hastily cut through vineyards and natural drainage areas, were built in great haste by the labour government. They were built without the proper commissioning of an environmental impact study which would address the issues pertaining to agronomic needs in the arid Judea and Samaria semi-desert region. The price of these roads may ultimately be higher than M.K. Sarid, the former Minister of the Environment, could have possibly envisioned.

The present Minister, Raful (Rafiel Eitan, former IDF Commanding General), evidently is continuing his predecessors’ level of Environmental Activism. Reports indicate that very high levels of pesticides were pumped into the Yarkon only three days before the tragedy. There is no indication that the possibility of children or animals inadvertently drinking these poisoned waters were taken into account by any responsible environmental protection agency or citizens’ group. It is probable that none were even informed that the pesticides were being used in such an un-regulated land obviously irresponsible manner.

The issues of water pollution in general, and of the problems of the Yarkon in particular, were aired many times on Israeli Television and Radio over the past twenty years.

In a country whose pre-occupation has shifted from survival to becoming a “first world” nation, the issues of the environment have had little impact on the average Israeli. It is to be hoped that this tragedy will bring the struggle for environmental and human bio-ethics to the attention of the area’s lawmakers.

Unfortunately, another round of peace talks may push what happened into the limbo of “yesterday’s news”. This warning to both Israeli and Palestinian alike, could go unheeded… and if so, the price of peace will be a peace without joy.

Same Policy Same Results

The Prime Minister today told Arafat – in a media oriented demonstration of supposed strength – after scores of innocents were killed and wounded – that he must bring a connection between what he says and what he does. Look who is talking.

In the past months there were several failed attempted attacks. Some were thwarted, some discovered in time, but the Israeli government was not alarmed by the attacks which almost occurred.

Since Arafat signed the Oslo Agreement in September ’95, he has violated its every section: He incites to terror, helps Hamas and Islamic Jihad continue their attacks (as long as they take place outside the territory of the Palestinian Authority) and at the very same time with unbelievable gall blames the GSS [General Security Service] and IDF [Israel Defense Forces] with carrying out the attacks against Israel.

The Labor leadership did not have the will to admit their historic mistake. Instead of this they covered for the PLO, in the baseless hope that this will cause it to change.

Peres even changed the failure to an ideology: “The trick is not to denigrate the PLO”, he tended to claim (as if insisting on our survival was a denigration of the PLO), “the trick is to make them a partner.”

Peres didn’t change Arafat into a partner, but the government lost as a result of the February-March ’96 attacks.

The Likud promised a total revision of this policy, but followed exactly the same path. Netanyahu covered for the PLO in every possible way. He even forbade his aides from publicizing the violations of the agreement by the PLO for many months. He talked about “reciprocity” and did the opposite. He signed the Hebron Agreement without the Palestinian Charter being amended, without Arafat stopping the incitement to jihad and without the extradition of a single terrorist murderer.

It is not only that the PLO didn’t take measures agaisnt the Hamas and Islamic Jihad, he released 120 of the most dangerous terrorists and didn’t honor Israeli and American requests that he arrest them again. And the Israeli government remained silent.

When PLO soldiers murdered 16 IDF soldiers in September ’96 Netanyahu and Mordechai forgave the blood of their soldiers and the PM called Arafat in Washington his “friend and partner.” The entire security system knows that the Palestinian Authority smuggles automatic weapons, but the government remains silent.

Information about the “laboratory” in Beit Sahour, where armed bombs were discovered, was given to the PLO months ago, but they didn’t do anything. And the government remained silent. And recently, only days ago, it became clear that the commander of the Palestinian Police, an Arafat loyalist, personally prepared a murder squad of Palestinian police, with a stolen car and weapons. They carried out one attack and were caught on the second. But the Israeli government protested with a weak voice and went silent. And while PLO officials deny responsibility and the charges, our Foreign Minister promises that the PLO will “conclude the investigation.”

The Prime Minister, instead of taking actions against the PLO, took pride only yesterday that he, unlike the Labor government, succeeded in stopping the terror. But he who calls Arafat a partner also when he acts as an enemy, has coming to him what happened to the Labor government. The same policy yields the same results.

Yigal Carmon served as the advisor on counterterrorism in the office of the Israel Prime Minister, 1988-1993

This article orginally appeared in the Israeli daily newspaper, Yediot Aharonot, on July 31, 1997 and was translated by Dr. Aaron Lerner, Director of IMRA (Independent Media Review & Analysis)

Yasser Arafat and Hamas: the Cooperation Has Deepened

The cooperation between the Palestinian Authority and the Hamas and Jihad, was not limited to the maintenance of a dialogue between them. The Israeli security establishment knows about dozens of Hamas activists who have been enlisted in Jibril Rajoub’s organization, and dozens of Fatah activists who have begun operating within Hamas and Jihad, while being involved in attacks. Senior Palestinian officials claim that Hamas and Jihad are receiving massive aid from many elements in the Palestinian security establishment. The Israeli government knew about this, but preferred to cover up the information and try to resume the negotiations with Arafat — until the attack.

Less than two weeks ago, the Prime Minister’s Bureau — through the Government Press Office — issued a booklet entitled: “Six Months Since The Signing — Israeli and Palestinian Compliance With The Hebron Accord: A Comprehensive Assessment.”

Over 31 pages, the prime minister’s Information Dept., headed by David Bar-Illan, detailed a litany of the most severe actions which the Palestinian Authority — in its words — has undertaken. “The PA has violated most of the fundamental security provisions of the agreement,” the Prime Minister’s Bureau determined, oganizing riots in Hebron, enlisting four times as many police officers than is allowed by the Agreement, paying those who attack Israeli soldiers, etc.

The report specially stressed the Palestinian Authority’s, “avoidance of a war on terrorism:” by active incitement, avoiing struggling against the terrorist organizations, and cooperating with senior Hams and Jihad officials. To lend credence to these claims, the report pointed to the failur to try terrorists and the release from prison of senor Islamic Jihad officials — such as Muhammad Hawaja and Nabil Sharihi, who took pat in the Beit Lid (January 1995) and Kfar Darom ( April 1995) attacks. It also pointed to the fact that today, more than 150 Hamas and Islamic Jihad members are serving in the ranks of the Palestinian security services. Several days before the Israeli report was issued, senior officials in Jibril Rajoub’s organization distributed a pamphlet in Jerusalem. The pamphlet was from Fatah, Arafat’s organization, and it called for, “the revival of the intifada in Jerusalem,” attacks on mobile Israeli targets, and for, “a fire to be lit under the feet of the Zionist occupiers.” This pamphlet was not mentioned at all in the list of severe violations published by Israel.

The contacts and the secret agreements between the top Hamas leadership, Jihad and the Palestinian Authority, are not a new phenomenon. They were formulated during Mr. Peres’ and the late Mr. Rabin’s tenures as prime minister. However, this cooperation became especially close in the past year. Channels of dialogue and cooperation were opened between the Authority and these organizations. Thus, for example, an important channel was created between Abdallah Abu Samhadaneh, the governor of Khan Younis, and Hamas’ Sheikh Bahker, through the direct involvement of Yasser Arafat. Through this channel and others, it as promised to Hamas and Jihad personnel that their people would be released, and it was made clear to them what had also been emphasized before the attacks in February and March of last year: you can operate against Israel — but not from Palestinian Authority territory, and not in a way which leads directly to it.

The cooperation was not exhausted thereby. The security establishment knows about dozens of Hamas activists who have been enlisted in Jibril Rajoub’s organization in the first half of the year. It is also known that at least dozens of Fatah activists have begun to act inside Hamas and Islamic Jihad, while being deeply involved in attacks. Senior Palestinian officials claim that Hamas and Jihad are receiving massive aid from many elements from within the Palestinian administration and security services, including giving material and logistical support.

And there is, of course, the case of the gang of police officers and the involvement of senior Authority officials in it. The security establishment — and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu — know very well that Palestinian police commander Razi Jebali did not operate the gang on his own accord, but received an order from Arafat. Various security officials passed such an assessment on to Netanyahu — but the Prime Minister preferred to cover up this information and try to resume the negotiations with Arafat.

And thus, despite the fact that the government claimed that General Razi Jebali’s VIP card had been cancelled, no order was give to the IDF to do this. At the same time, Netanyahu foiled several attempts by people in Washington, such as terrorism Yigal Carmon, to bring about the cessation of American aid to the Palestinian Authority.

In the last half year, Hamas and Jihad personnel have become the darlings of the Palestinian regime. Every deceased member of theirs receives a state funeral, accompanied by an honor guard, and is declared a martyr. The Palestinian leadership has begun to participate more and more in Hamas and Jihad events, and to legitimize the messages expressed at them.

Such was the case three weeks ago at the main square in Nablus, when 20,000 people attended the weddings of 15 couples, sponsored by Hamas. The initiator of the event, and the main speaker, was Sheikh Hamed Bitawi, a member of the top Hamas leadership and, “Chairman of Palestine Council of Sages,” an appointment he received from Arafat. Sitting on the stage were Nablus Governor Mahmoud Al-Alloul and Mayor Rassan A-Shak’a. Opposite them, the crowd shouted, “Iz E-Din Al-Kassam,” and Bitawi declared: “As the Israeli flag was burned, so Israel shall burn.”

Many uniformed Palestinian policemen were seen in the crowd, who shouted anti-Israeli slogans along with everyone. The couples received financing from the Palestinian welfare Ministry, headed by Umm Jihad.

The cooperation between the Palestinian Authority and the extremist Islamic organizations exists in an intentional anti-Israeli atmosphere, crystallized over the last six months by the PA. Only one month ago, the daily incitement being broadcast by the PA’s “Voice of Palestine” was revealed. The campaign of anti-Israel libels in the official Palestinian press — the libido gum, prostitutes with AIDS and the distribution of spoiled food by the GSS — was mentioned here.

On Wednesday, after the attack, security establishment spokesmen began to reveal the severe letters which they had sent to the top PA leadership in the wake of this campaign of incitement. Only on Wednesday, was it decided — for the first time — to jam Radio Palestine’s broadcasts. It was then decided to issue an arrest warrant against Razi Jebali and work to halt the American assistance to the Palestinian Authority.

The Bombing at Mahane Yehudah and the Aftermath

My friend David, an American Jew in his mid-twenties, was shopping for fruit at the Mahane Yehuda marketplace in Jerusalem at approximately 1 p.m., July 30. Standing next to a watermelon stand, he realized he forgot his wallet. As he turned to go home, the first bomb exploded, sending watermelon pieces and body parts flying over his head.

Two Arab suicide bombers, each carrying a briefcase containing 10 kilograms of explosives and standing at opposite ends of a crowded alley, killed 15 people and injured 170 in the terrorist bombings.

Thrown to the ground, David immediately jumped up and began hauling the injured from the bloody scene. An hour later, at about the time I showed up at Mahane Yehuda, David returned to his home in virtual shock. He still refuses to discuss the matter. It is just too painful.

Standing on a rooftop overlooking the bloody mess, I took photographs of an ambulance crew removing a body from underneath a vegetable stand. By now, hundreds were assisting the rescue effort, placing the wounded on stretchers and heading for the fleet of ambulances. Fist fights were breaking out everywhere as tense crowds pressed police lines to catch a gory glimpse.

I suddenly got bumped from behind by an Orthodox rabbi. Wearing fluorescent vests, a whole team of rabbis appeared and began filling a clear plastic bag with body parts that had been launched from the street below, collecting them for burial.

Immediately after the bombing, the Middle East News Service contacted Palestinian media sources in Gaza and Jericho. The agency’s request was simple: What is Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat saying to his own people about the bombing?

During its 2 p.m. report, the Palestine Broadcasting Corporation, the official PLO radio station, reported an “operation” in Jerusalem. The station continued to report it as such throughout the day. Arafat phoned the Israeli Prime Minister with condolences, regrets and condemnation. In Jericho two hours after the attack, the Arab media asked Arafat for a direct comment in Arabic. The PBC waited for his response. Not a word.

“He said nothing,” Prime Minister Netanyahu’s director of communications, David Bar Illan told the Middle East News Service on Aug. 3. “Arafat still has not condemned the bombings in Arabic. He hasn’t even spoken out against these terrorists. He condones it only in English, only to foreign correspondents and in condolence calls.”

Said Bar Illan: “Arafat has yet to do what (Israeli) President Ezer Weisman asked of him – to say to his own people that `the armed struggle is over. We have chosen the path of peace’.”

Despite the appeal of Israel Chief Rabbi Meir Lau to the Moslem world to repudiate the violence, no Middle East based Moslem authority has condemned the attack.

In covering the bombings, the Palestinian Arab papers headlined Arafat’s condemnation of the Israeli government for declaring “war against the Palestinian people” by sealing the borders and continuing settlement building.

The PA Minister of Information’s statement, placing the onus for the attack on Israel, was circulated on Capitol Hill the day after the bombing by Rep. James Saxton (R-N.J.).

“Arafat is not saying much, which is not normal,” said Ghassan Khatib, director of the Jerusalem Media Communications Center and a liaison to the PA from Jerusalem. “He is very cautious in speaking, perhaps fearing that he’s under attack.”

Last week, Arafat went to Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and Jordan’s King Hussein to enlist their stinging condemnations of Israel for the closure.

According to Ghassan, this closure is the strictest ever. Besides blocking the border with Israel proper, Netanyahu has sealed off Palestinian cities and, for the first time, closed the bridges between Jordan and the West Bank. Israel also has denied movement to most Palestinian VIP passport holders and attempted to jam the PBC for alleged incitement to violence. The Knesset, including the left wing Labor and Meretz parties, are not objecting to Netanyahu’s response. Labor Party leader Ehud Barak directed a moratorium on his party’s criticism of Netanyahu’s security actions. Former Tel Aviv mayor Shlomo Lahat, head of the pro-Oslo Council of Peace and Security, has sent an ultimatum to Arafat linking the renewal of talks with Arafat’s stepped up fight against terrorism.

Gauging the Palestinian official reaction to the attack, the Middle East News Service visited Orient House, the PLO’s headquarters in East Jerusalem. Officials there denounced the violence. However, they issued no memo, statement or press release to the Palestinian public. On the contrary, Orient House officials blamed the attack on Israel.

“This is the result of people’s frustrations with Israeli government policies,” said Adnan Jalani, foreign press coordinator at Orient House.

While Netanyahu has called on Arafat to destroy the Palestinian terrorist infrastructure, Jalani claimed that Arafat has done enough to combat terrorism.

“If Arafat recognizes Israel’s right to build settlements in the West Bank and also cracks down on whoever opposes these settlements, then Arafat is just becoming another Israeli policemen.” Jalani said. “Arafat is not an Israeli policemen.”

Although the PA has arrested scores of terrorist suspects, Bar Illan declared that Arafat must move to destroy the terrorist infrastructure. “Nothing has changed. If anything, it’s gotten worse,” said Bar Illan. After the March 1996 suicide bombings, Bar Illan said, the PA arrested hundreds of suspects, some of whom admitted involvement in terrorist attacks. The PA has released the vast majority, he noted.

Jalani maintained that: “Arafat did not put them in jail for a reason. They were put in jail because Israel wanted them to be put in jail. For how long can he keep them in jail without evidence of them being guilty?” With negotiations frozen, Jalani threatened that: “If there is no progress in the peace process, then similar explosions are going to happen in the future.”

At Mahane Yehuda marketplace, the typically robust atmosphere was eerily quiet and introspective the day after the bombings. Tempers flared as merchants cleaned up the debris and makeshift memorials were set up at the murder sights, along with funeral notices.

Israel’s defense minister Yitzhak Mordechai surveyed the bomb scene that afternoon, facing a swarm of journalists and angry merchants. “Kill the murderers, kill them all!” roared an Orthodox butcher, whose poultry stand was riddled by the blasts and whose brother was hospitalized.

Mordechai assured the butcher swift justice, but there was no appeasing this man. Moments earlier, a police officer held the butcher back as he shouted down a teenaged girl. The girl was merely photographing the wreckage of a scooter, used by an elderly bomb victim to carry fruits and vegetables, now covered with memorial candles. She ran away crying.

(David Bedein, senior media research analyst at Beit Agron International Press Center, contributed to this story.)

No Word of Condemnation From Arafat to His Own People in Their Own Language

In the aftermath of the bombs that blew up in Jerusalem’s Machane Yehudah open air market today in Jerusalem, our news agency, which covers the peace process and the fledgling Palestine Authority, listened intently to the official Palestine Authority radio news network in the four hours that followed the blasts. PBC radio news, the official voice of the Palestine Authority, which operates out of Yassir Arafat’s office in Gaza, reported the news of the bombs…as a “military operation”, even though the bombs had killed or wounded one hundred and fifty shoppers and shopkeepers – Jews and Arabs, old and young alike, in the one place that you are bound to find every kind of person in Jerusalem.

On each newscast that followed the attack, PBC radio repeated the theme – an “operation” has been carried out, not a terror attack. And Arafat, who had been quoted widely on the Israeli and foreign newsreels that he had condemned the attack, would not allow himself to be quoted in Arabic as condemning the “operation”. Meeting the Arab media in Jericho, as he descended from his helicopter, Arafat was tightlipped, saying nothing to his people that would discourage anything but praise for the attack. Meanwhile, PBC played victory music, military marches, and joyous music. And then PBC TV came on the air, televising a play which showed Arabs shooting at Israelis. No subliminal message there.

Our agency has monitored the Arabic language PBC radio and TV for since their inception at the genesis of the Oslo peace process four years ago.

The PBC, funded under grants from the US AID foreign assistance program, has conveyed a consistent message: The war with Israel must proceed, and all means to that end remain justified. At one point, in September 1995, I was asked to bring PBC videos of Arafat’s televised speeches for a special showing at the US House International Relations Committee. Congresspeople were surprised to learn that Arafat had yet to make a single statement in Arabic at any time that called for peace with Israel and that clearly condemned terror attacks.

Last November, I had the opportunity to have a personal session with Yassir Arafat in Bethlehem. Arafat was in in a pleasant mood, as he spoke of peace between Israelis and Palestinians. Arafat went out of his way during our talk to attack those who would conduct terror activity, calling them enemies of peace. Yet one month before meeting Arafat, our Palestinian TV crew had filmed Arafat at a Bethlehem area Arab refugee camp, when he called for “Jihad” – holy war – and the continuation of the armed struggle against Israel. So I asked Arafat when he would repeat the calls for peace in Arabic to his own people that he so eloquently says in English. Arafat responded by saying that he “always” speaks of peace in Arabic. Many Israelis are waiting for such proclamations of peace in Arabic from the lips of Arafat, let alone condemnation of terror bombs in a crowded marketplace.

Especially today.

Has the PA Failed to Fulfill Its Commitments Under the Hebron Accord?

The Israel Government Press Office released a comprehensive 35-page report assessing Israeli and Palestinian compliance with the Hebron Accord. The report is being issued to mark six months since the signing and implementation of the agreement in January 1997. Copies of the report are available at the Government Press Office, tel: (02) 623-3385, or on the internet site of the Prime Minister’s Office (www.pmo.gov.il) in the policy papers/fact sheet section.

Israeli Compliance: The report notes that since the signing of the Hebron Accord, Israel has fulfilled all of its commitments. Israeli forces redeployed in Hebron. Israel approved the first stage of the further redeployment from the West Bank, released Palestinian women prisoners, resumed negotiations with the PA on outstanding Interim Agreement issues and offered to resume final status talks.

Palestinian Security Violations: According to the report, the PA has violated the fundamental security provisions of the Hebron accord. Rather than contain disturbances, the Palestinian police organized riots in Hebron in March-April 1997 and June-July 1997 and failed to contain Palestinians who surged towards the Jewish Quarter. In many cases, the PA paid youths 30 to 50 shekels per day for taking part in riots and attacking Israeli soldiers. The PA has deployed 1,500 policemen in Hebron, which is nearly four times the 400 allowed, and it has armed them with weapons forbidden by the agreement.

Palestinian Violations of the Note for Record: The report notes that the PA has failed to fulfill any of its 4 obligations contained in the Note for the Record: amending the Covenant, combating terror, reducing the size of its police force and restricting its governmental activity to areas under its control.

1. Failure to Change the PLO Covenant – The Palestinians have not taken any steps toward completing the amendment process. To date, no new version of the Covenant has yet been submitted to the Palestinian National Council.

2. Failure to Fight Terror and Prevent Violence – One of the PA’s gravest violations of the Note for the Record has been its failure to combat terror, an obligation which the Note breaks down into six specific measures required of the PA:

2a. Strengthening Security Cooperation – The PA broke off security cooperation with Israel earlier this year, despite warnings of impending terrorist activity. Palestinian security officials refused to meet their Israeli counterparts and refrained from exchanging intelligence information. Recently, security cooperation has improved slightly, but the PA has thus far refused to restore the level that existed previously.

2b. Incitement to Violence Against Israel – Senior PA officials have repeatedly engaged in incitement to violence against Israel. They have praised Hamas and the intifada, threatened Israel with war, and accused Israel of injecting Palestinians with the AIDS virus and poisoning Palestinian food products. More than 30 such statements made by senior PA officials are documented in the report.

2c. Combat Systematically and Effectively Terrorist Organizations and Infrastructure – The PA has taken no steps to outlaw terror groups, whose infrastructure remains intact. At a secret meeting held in Gaza on the night of March 9, 1997, Arafat met with the heads of Hamas, the DFLP and the PFLP, who left the meeting with the understanding to renew terror against Israel. Eleven days later, 3 Israelis died in a Hamas bombing in Tel Aviv on March 21, 1997.

In mid-July 1997 it became clear that the Palestinian police have been actively involved in terror. Israeli intelligence has confirmed that Asst.-Cmdr. Jihad Masimi of the PA police in Nablus has ordered attacks, that there are several terror cells in the Palestinian police, and that there are strong indications that Palestinian Police Chief Ghazi Jabali is involved.

2d. Apprehension, Prosecution and Punishment of Terrorists – Terrorists have not been tried by the PA for terror activity against Israel in the past 6 months. The PA has drafted numerous terrorists to serve in the ranks of its security services, including at least 23 wanted for the murder of Israelis. The PA Police Commander has acknowledged that more than 150 members of Hamas and the PFLP are currently working in key positions in the Palestinian police. Since the signing of the Hebron Accord, the PA has released dozens of terrorists from detention, including: Muhammad Khawaja, a senior Islamic Jihad leader who planned the January 1995 Beit Lid bombing; Nabil Sharihi, a member of Islamic Jihad who helped prepare the bomb used in the April 1995 Kfar Darom attack in which 7 Israelis and 1 American were killed; Imjad Hinawi – a Hamas member who took part in the murder of 17-year old David Boim in Beit El in May 1996.

2e. Transfer of Terror Suspects to Israel – On March 31, 1997, Israel submitted 31 requests to the PA for the transfer of terror suspects. Thus far, the PA has failed to hand over any of the suspects to Israel. Of the 31 terror suspects whose transfer is being sought by Israel, 11 are either serving in the Palestinian police or are in the process of joining its ranks. Among those being sought are: Ibrahim Alkam, Abdel Nasser Alkaisi and Ibrahim Hani, wanted for the murder of Etta Tzur and her 12-year old son Ephraim on December 11, 1996; Bassam Issa – behind the terror attack in Jerusalem on October 9, 1994 in which two people were killed; and Hisham Salim Dib, who was behind the March 4, 1996 Dizengoff suicide bombing which killed 13 people.

2f. Confiscation of illegal firearms – No public campaigns or major sweeps have been undertaken by the PA to confiscate illegal weapons. As a result, virtually none of the tens of thousands of weapons circulating in the autonomous areas have been collected by the PA in the past six months. Five illegally armed groups continue to operate in the PA areas:

  1. Hamas;
  2. Islamic Jihad;
  3. Fatah;
  4. PFLP and
  5. DFLP.

    Smuggling, illicit production and lax PA enforcement have led to a rise in the number of illegal weapons in the PA areas.

    3. Size of Palestinian Police – The PA has deployed more than 30,000 policemen in the West Bank and Gaza, exceeding the agreed upon limit by over 6,000, or more than 25%.

    4. Restriction of PA governmental activity to Areas Under its Control – The PA is active in Jerusalem in spheres ranging from education to health to religious affairs. Numerous PA offices such as the Orient House, the Religious Affairs Ministry and the Education Ministry are operating in the city. Plainclothesmen from four Palestinian security forces are currently active in the eastern part of the city, operating on its main thoroughfares and on the Temple Mount. They conduct detentions, intelligence-gathering, criminal investigations and enforce orders issued by PA Chairman Arafat.

Excerpts from the weekly Friday sermon delivered by Palestinian Authority [PA] appointed “Mufti of Jerusalem and Palestine”, Sheikh Ekrima Sabri, at the Al-Aqsa Mosque on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem on July 11, 1997.

“The sermon was broadcast on the PA’s official radio station, Voice of Palestine.

Oh Allah, destroy America, for she is ruled by Zionist Jews…

“Allah will paint the White House black! Clinton is fulfilling his father’s will to identify with Israel…

“The Muslims say to Britain, to France and to all the infidel nations that Jerusalem is Arab. We shall not respect anyone else’s wishes regarding her. The only relevant party is the Islamic nation, which will not allow infidel nations to interfere…

“The homes the Jews are building will become Arab property, with Allah’s help…

“Allah shall take revenge on behalf of his prophet against the colonialist settlers who are sons of monkeys and pigs…. Forgive us, Muhamad, for the acts of these sons of monkeys and pigs, who sought to harm your sanctity.”

Controversy Sells: Jerusalem’s Hasmonean Tunnel a Hot Tourist Spot

Nearly 10 months after Palestinians waged a bloody campaign against Israel for opening the Hasmonean exit to Jerusalem’s Western Wall tunnel, the site has become one of the country’s hottest tourist attractions for Jews, Christians and, yes, Arabs. Visitors can’t help but notice the obvious:

“People are seeing for themselves that the Palestinian claim (that the Hasmonean tunnel goes beneath the Temple Mount, home to Muslim and Jewish holy sites) does not hold water anymore,” said Arik Bar Chen, head of Israel’s foreign press department who occasionally takes diplomats and journalists on tours of the tunnel. “Nobody’s claiming anymore that it goes under the Temple Mount.”

Still, many in the Palestinian establishment refuse to acknowledge this publicly, including the Islamic Wakf in eastern Jerusalem, which warned Israel that the opening would spur violence. “The tunnel was built on the blood of Arabs and Muslims and our rights,” Wakf director Adnan Husseini told the Middle East News Service on July 11. “The file (on this issue) is still open.”

Several Israeli guards currently man the Hasmonean exit on the Via Dolorosa, but mainly for show. The tunnel today is mobbed only by tourists. There has been no violence here since last September, when the opening sparked riots that killed 15 Israelis and 70 Palestinians in the most heated battles since the Intifada.

“The Palestinians were picking at straws at the time, searching for any cause to get the people behind the flag,” said Bar Chen.

Based on misinformation regarding the tunnel’s proximity to the Temple Mount – spread by the Palestinian Authority and fanned by erroneous news media reporting – the tunnel opening became the last straw at a time of growing frustration amongst Palestinians towards the stalled peace process. What started with Arab youths hurling stones off the Temple Mount at Jews praying at the Western Wall turned to bloodshed as PA police opened fire on Israeli soldiers in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

“Fifteen (Israeli) boys died, and for what?” asked Fegi Kahane, who has led tours through the Western Wall tunnels since the mid-1980s. “Fabrications and terrible lies.” After the 1967 Six Day War, Israel began work on the tunnel to expose the western retaining wall to the Second Temple. Only about 20 percent of the Western Wall, 67 meters, is visible from the Western Wall Plaza. A single tunnel entrance was opened beside the plaza in 1985.

In 1988, the government opened an exit through the Hasmonean tunnel in the Muslim Quarter that was closed one hour later due to Arab rioting. With the new exit, visitors no longer have to double back to the plaza after reaching the end.

“Three to four times as many tourists use the tunnel today,” said Arye Banner, an official with the Western Wall Heritage Foundation, responsible for the tourist sites in the Old City. He has taken scores of foreign diplomats through the tunnel since September.

Ironically, in February 1996, Sheikh Abdel Azzim Salhab, head of the Islamic Wakf, warned that: “The opening of such a tunnel will lead to confrontations and disturbances which will severely hurt the city’s economy….”

Now, waiting up to four months to get a ticket, more than 1,000 people view the tunnel each day, paying about $13 for a guided tour. Demand is so high that the tunnel is often kept open until midnight, with groups of 30 shuttled along the route every 20 minutes. While the majority are Jewish, Banner says that Palestinians and visitors from Arab countries come every day.

“The new exit has been good for everyone – good for us, good for visitors who want to touch history and good for (Palestinians) who work and live there,” added Banner.

Jerry Dheodorie, an agent with Lawrence Tours in eastern Jerusalem who books tunnel tours for primarily Arabs, says the situation is less than cordial. A group of his Arab friends, who bought tickets, were recently turned away for refusing to wear kippas, he claimed. “I doubt that they require non-Arabs to wear kippas,” he said.

Banner denies that anyone has been refused entry. “We ask everyone to out on a kippah, but no one will tell them to leave if they don’t wear one,” he said.

Local Arab merchants vigorously deny that they have benefited from the increased traffic, claiming that guides swiftly usher tourists back to the Jewish Quarter.

Old City resident Barnea Selavan, who led the first tour through the exit last September, is an exception. Running tours every Friday, he directs his groups to a nearby refreshment-souvenir store called “Step Back in Time 2000 Years,” run by an Arab friend named Mike.

Mike complains that they buy nothing but Cokes. The dozen or so adjacent shopkeepers, who striked for two weeks in September to protest the tunnel opening, claim they too have suffered since September.

“No tourists exit the tunnel except the Jews, and they don’t buy from Arabs,” said the owner of the Via Dolorosa Souvenir Shop, who sells crosses, kippas and turbins.

According to Selavan, while tension over the tunnel has eased, rage is rising in the Old City amongst Arab residents. In recent weeks, he said, Arabs have been intentionally “bumping into Jews” and “casing” the Western Wall Plaza as if they are preparing for violence.

Another Arab merchant near the new exit, fuming over the tunnel opening and the Israeli actions, warns: “There is a big war gonna happen and I pray for a big war. That’s the only way to banish them.”

Now the peace process is stalled again. With the tunnel controversy apparently cleared, Palestinians are focusing their attention on other flash points – Har Homa and Hebron.

Israel’s 1967 Close Call

Six weeks after the Six Day War a U.S. – U.S.S.R. resolution concerning the peace was rejected by the Arabs, thus saving Israel from a political disaster potentially undoing the military victory.

Israel’s immediate post-war euphoria may well have contributed to the near disaster. It produced a Cabinet June 19 position furnished to the U.S., giving the Sinai to Egypt, most of the Golan to Syria and leaving West Bank issues to be negotiated.

Friday, July 20,1967 found Israel’s Foreign Minister Abba Eban in “one of the most embarrassing discussions that ever took place between the United States and Israel” when Arthur Goldberg, U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., revealed the draft resolution he and Gromyko had agreed on. [All Abba Eban quotations are from his 1992 book “Personal Witness”]. All parties were to immediately withdraw their forces from territory occupied after June 4 and were to immediately acknowledge their right to maintain an independent national state and to live in peace and security.

Eban “vehemently” objected that this would give up all the positive results to date since “withdrawal of our forces was no longer to be conducted in peace with secure boundaries”. The word “Israel” was not in the draft, “the Arab states would have no difficulty in making a general statement and then claiming its inapplicability to Israel”. It was “Kosygin’s call for unconditional withdrawal against which the U.S. and Israel had battled successfully in the United Nations…. It was a terrifying moment for me when all of the gains of the June and July sessions appeared to be slipping away, not as a result of enemy pressure, but as a consequence of an American ambition to achieve an accord with Russia.”

The Gromyko-Goldberg draft was the Soviet formula minus provisions for Israeli war reparations to the Arab states and condemnation of Israel, a compromise Secretary of State Dean Rusk, a few days before, characterized as trading “a horse for a rabbit”. The horse was Israeli withdrawal and the rabbit what Israel would receive.

As Eban’s meeting with Goldberg was about to end in an “indignant departure”, Goldberg received the message that Egypt and Libya would not accept a resolution acknowledging the rights of all the states in the area.

While the Arab rejection of the proposed agreement was publicized, Israel’s severe negative reaction was not reported. AIPAC’s Near East Report (July 25,1967) had good coverage of the episode but reported not so much as a hint of Israel’s unequivocal dislike of the resolution.

The 1968 American Jewish Yearbook reported in the same vein, adding that the “episode was to have one positive result: it demonstrated to Moscow that Washington did not intend to humiliate it… but would support any constructive move to achieve a just peace in the Middle East.” Because the Arabs rejected the proposal, it was not introduced. To give it and its rejection status, on August 30 Goldberg sent a letter to U.N.General Secretary U Thant advising that “while the U.S.S.R. was still saying harsh words about us in public, [it] joined with us for an acceptable resolution… the readiness of the Soviet Union to propose it for favorable consideration by the Arab states was a very significant step though it was rejected.”

Although the U.S. severely compromised itself in the joint proposal,the subsequent record does not suggest any amelioration of the Soviet’s hard line in response.

Why the U.S. acceptance of a “horse for a rabbit” at Israel’s expense? Why the continued Arab belligerency which preceded the war? Ironically, a key factor may have been Israel’s euphoria inspired June 19 peace setting terms volunteering to give up much of its win: Syria would obtain the Golan to its international boundary and Egypt would recover Sinai; both subject to demilitarization. West Bank issues would be negotiated. On June 22 Eban presented Israel’s proposal to Secretary Rusk who was pleased that Israel had formulated it without external pressure. Rusk promptly made it available to Egypt and Syria.

Also, the U.S. was optimistic about the U.S.S.R. and the Arabs. Both Israel and the U.S. underestimated Egypt’s basic attitude. In his July 23 address at the 15th anniversary celebration of the Egyptian Revolution President Nasser charged that the Zionists and the big powers sought to “crush the Arab revolution, to do away with Arab aspirations and to place our countries within the sphere of their influence.” On November 25,1967 he told his generals: “don’t pay any attention to anything I may say in public about a peaceful solution.”

Eban says the September 1,1967 Khartoum declaration providing for Israel no peace, no recognition, no negotiation, and no territorial bargaining was a “direct answer” to Israel’s offer which Rusk had conveyed to Egypt and Syria. Still, Eban would find a domestic benefit in Israel’s June 19 proposal seeing it as answering “Israeli liberals who fault the Eshkol government with insufficient zeal for peace.” But that consideration had little impact since the proposal was kept “secret”. There was no news coverage. Yitzhak Rabin first learned of it in 1968 from some Americans when he was ambassador.

Paradoxically, Israel’s generous proposal may well have figured importantly in the willingness of the U.S. to accept the “horse for rabbit” exchange at the expense of Israel. Also, it signaled the Arabs that Israel was voluntarily ready to give up more than all the parties had expected — a sign of weakness to be exploited. Peace making must be realistic, not euphoria-based.

Dr. Joseph Lerner, Co-Director
I.M.R.A. (Independent Media Review & Analysis)
P.O. Box 982, Kfar Sava
Tel (+972-9) 760-4719, Fax (+972-9) 741-1645
e-mail: imra@netvision.net.il

Dr. Lerner, a leading economist, was a senior US government official from 1952 until 1976. Dr Lerner relocated to Jerusalem in 1986.