Mamdani Backgrounder

‘Capitalism Is Theft’: I Followed Zohran Mamdani’s Internet Trail

More than 16,000 tweets in 18 years reveal a vision far more revolutionary than the candidate’s polished campaign bio.

07.23.25

I read all 16,100 tweets that Zohran Mamdani has ever posted.

Why? Because the Democratic front-runner for New York City mayor sounds polished now—but he didn’t start that way.

If he wins in November, Mamdani, 33, would become the city’s first digital-native mayor.

But long before he was a rising political star, Mamdani was “Young Cardamom,” “TreyDadday,” and “bayaye27,” as he documented his life across the web in unfiltered bursts. What I saw in reading all of his posts, which span 18 years and multiple personas, is a portrait of a man with a revolutionary vision for America. One that hasn’t faded.

Mamdani’s internet trail reveals far more than a veneered candidate biography on a website ever could. In tweet after tweet, he calls for the end of the free market, for defunding the police, and for dismantling the prison system, which he describes as the “carceral state.” He champions communism (at least in one jokey photo), stans anti-Israel activist Linda Sarsour, calls cops “haram” (the Arabic term for forbidden under Islamic law), and insists that New York should look more like socialist Vienna. As Mamdani moves more into general-election mode as the front-runner to beat—wearing suits, moderating his message, and cozying up to the business community—his digital past offers a rare glimpse of the ideology beneath the polish.

The Mamdani campaign did not respond to my requests for comment. But here is the real Mamdani, based on my review of his internet past:

“Capitalism is theft.”

That is how Mamdani put it in 2020, when he was a first-time candidate and self-described socialist running for New York’s state assembly in Queens. He posted a PDF from the Marxists Internet Archive, used hashtags like #TaxTheRich and #CancelRent, and referred to supporters not as voters but “comrades.”

This wasn’t just talk. He called for a “political revolution,” and argued that socialism wasn’t “some utopian fantasy” but the “only pragmatic response to the crises we face.” He praised Vienna’s public housing model—where roughly 60 percent of residents live in government-owned apartments—and said New York should emulate it. “We want to move away from a situation where most people access housing by purchasing it on the market,” he wrote, “[and] toward a situation where the state guarantees high-quality housing to all.”

‘Capitalism Is Theft’: I Followed Zohran Mamdani’s Internet Trail

But Vienna’s housing system, widely cited by Mamdani, has been plagued by reports of rising rents, deteriorating buildings, and aging units without basic amenities like private bathrooms or central heating.

That didn’t dull his enthusiasm. He comes from a posh family—his mother, award-winning director Mira Nair, sold her Chelsea loft for $1.45 million in 2019—but Mamdani treats wealth itself as a form of theft. “Socialism doesn’t mean stealing money from the rich,” he wrote on X in 2020. “It means taking back money the rich stole from everyone else.” In another post: “Taxation isn’t theft. Capitalism is.”

He hasn’t disavowed those views. When asked on CNN last month whether he liked capitalism, Mamdani smiled. “No, I have many critiques of capitalism,” he said.

If elected, Mamdani plans to expand the public sector significantly—making all bus rides free, opening a city-run grocery store in every borough, and offering universal childcare.

“We don’t just need more accountability. We need fewer police.”

That’s what Mamdani tweeted in the summer of 2020, at the height of the George Floyd protests. He wasn’t subtle. “Defund the NYPD,” he wrote during a week of violent unrest across the country. A month later, he laid out a four-point plan to begin doing just that: freeze hiring, cancel overtime, halt equipment purchases, and slash $1 billion from the NYPD’s budget over four years—“to start,” he added.

‘Capitalism Is Theft’: I Followed Zohran Mamdani’s Internet Trail

In December 2020, he took his criticism a step further, calling the police force “haram.” Since then, and especially since Mamdani launched his mayoral campaign, his tone has shifted. On the debate stage, he said that “police have a critical role to play in public safety.” His platform no longer includes budget cuts. Instead, he proposes creating a new Department of Community Safety to handle gun violence and severe mental illness.

“May the light guide us to freedom, justice, and equality for all.”

That was Mamdani’s Hanukkah post in 2023. He often posts greetings for most major religious holidays—but only in his messages to Jews does he pair them with progressive political refrains. His Passover message in 2020 struck a similar note, ending with the activist slogan “until all of us are free.”

A few days earlier, he celebrated an endorsement from The Jewish Vote—a group affiliated with Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, which later described the October 7 massacre by Hamas as “neither justifiable nor unprovoked.” At the time, Mamdani used the endorsement to affirm his opposition to antisemitism—but only while also condemning Islamophobia and condoning the struggle for “collective liberation.” When he has posted about Muslim holidays or his visits to various mosques, no such equivocation appears.

When Israel suffered the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust, his first reaction was not to condemn the terrorists. In his statement on the Hamas attack, released October 8, 2023, Mamdani didn’t mention the word Hamas once. There was no reference to the Israeli women who were raped, the children who were kidnapped, or the festivalgoers who were gunned down.

He comes from a posh family—his mother, award-winning director Mira Nair, sold her Chelsea loft for $1.45 million in 2019—but Mamdani treats wealth itself as a form of theft.

Instead, Mamdani criticized Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and accused Israeli lawmakers of calling for “another Nakba.” A few days later, Mamdani claimed that Palestinians were on “the brink of genocide,” even though Israel had not begun its ground invasion. He was arrested for disorderly conduct at an anti-Israel demonstration.

Mamdani also amplified disputed or false claims about the war. He repeated the allegation that Israel bombed the Al-Ahli hospital in Gaza, a narrative that international investigators have largely debunked. He reposted a claim that pro-Israel students had sprayed chemical weapons on anti-Israel demonstrators at Columbia University. It turned out to be fart spray.

He called Reps. Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib his heroes.

Mamdani has invoked Omar and Tlaib—two progressive lawmakers known for their opposition to Israel—nearly a dozen times. In most instances, he pointed to them as examples of the kind of leadership he aimed to bring to Queens.

“Growing up, I watched congressmen call for hearings on the radicalization of Muslims,” he wrote on X. “Today, I get to watch @IlhanMN & @RashidaTlaib grill corporate CEOs in hearings on behalf of working people.”

Then, before linking to his donation site, he added: “Help us follow in their footsteps.”

‘Capitalism Is Theft’: I Followed Zohran Mamdani’s Internet Trail

In another post, he wrote that Tlaib “proves another world is possible.” He paired it with the flag of the United Arab Emirates instead of Palestine. A commenter corrected him. Mamdani replied with a face-palm emoji.

Meet bayaye27.

That was Mamdani’s Instagram handle from 2015 to 2019, while he was building a rap career in Uganda. In Luganda, one of the major languages spoken in Uganda, bayaye loosely translates to thug. His 115 posts chronicled everything from CD hustling to coverage in the local press. In one selfie at a barber shop, he teased his upcoming look: “About to get that Bollywood villain mustache.”

At the top of the account, one image stood out: his profile picture, of a man in a red T-shirt with one word written across the chest: COMMUNIST. The man was not Mamdani—but Lil Wayne, clipped from a still of Jay Sean’s 2009 “Down” music video. In it, Wayne raps the lyrics “Honestly, I’m down like the economy” while pointing to the block letters on the T-shirt.

This wasn’t Mamdani’s only online alter ego. In college, he went by “TreyDadday” on Facebook. As a rapper, he adopted the stage name “Young Cardamom,” releasing tracks like “#1 Spice” and touring Kampala with his childhood friend turned producer Hussein Abdul Bar. Years later, he and Hussein referred to themselves on Instagram as “Buziga boys”—a nod to the ritzy neighborhood in Kampala where they both grew up, with a view of Lake Victoria and homes that today sell for more than $1 million.

“We believe in collective liberation.” 

That is a line from Mamdani’s proposal, “A Platform for Socialist Feminism,” a nearly 2,000-word plan that he released in April 2020, just weeks into the Covid-19 pandemic. While Republican-led states moved to restrict abortion access, Mamdani went in the opposite direction. His plan called for “free abortion on demand,” contraception access for illegal immigrants, and a total overhaul of the state’s prostitution laws.

Under capitalism, he wrote, gender equality was “impossible.” The only way forward, in his view, was to decriminalize “both the buying and selling of consensual sex.” In a section titled “Protect Sex Workers and End Violence Against Women and Nonbinary People,” Mamdani rejected the so-called Nordic Model, which makes it illegal to buy sex, but not to sell it. He called that model “untenable.”

‘Capitalism Is Theft’: I Followed Zohran Mamdani’s Internet Trail

“This model discriminates against women who have few other options to earn a living besides sex work,” he argued. “Sex workers can sell sex, but there’s no one to buy it. This disproportionately impacts trans women, migrant women, and street-based workers.”

Mamdani’s proposal didn’t gain much attention at the time. But in retrospect, it is striking—especially since residents in many parts of Queens are pushing back against the open sex trade. In Corona, which borders his state assembly district, residents have been pushing the city to clean up their streets. The majority of those residents are Hispanic. Since launching his mayoral campaign, Mamdani hasn’t highlighted the issue.

“I promised things that were simply impossible.”

That’s how Mamdani described his campaign platform—not for state assembly or mayor, but for vice president of the student council at the Bronx High School of Science. He told the story in two separate interviews with his high-school friend Daniel Kisslinger, years before Mamdani entered formal politics. In both interviews, Mamdani laughed about the promises he made: fresh juice every morning from locally sourced fruits, abolishing the school’s mandatory gym requirement, and a total overhaul of detention policies.

“I served 44 dean’s detentions by the time of my graduation,” he told Kisslinger in 2020.

“You were a detention abolitionist,” Kisslinger joked.

He lost that election—“Moon Jeong whooped my ass,” he admitted—but the story stuck. It painted a picture of a candidate with big ideas and a habit of making promises he couldn’t keep.

‘Capitalism Is Theft’: I Followed Zohran Mamdani’s Internet Trail

In another interview, this time with a Ugandan media outlet in 2016, Mamdani made a different kind of claim: that he had lived in Uganda his whole life. “While Uganda is my birthplace and home, I don’t have anything besides Kampala,” he said. “I’ve lived in Buziga since birth.”

That isn’t true. His official state assembly biography says that Mamdani moved to New York at the age of 7. He attended a private elementary school on the Upper West Side, then went on to Bronx Science and Bowdoin College, a liberal-arts school that has a $93,800 annual sticker price. By the time he gave that interview, he had spent more years in America than in Uganda.

 

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Transparently disgraceful

There are times when a situation is so clearly disgraceful that silence is no longer an honest option.

We are currently experiencing such times, both internally in Israel and worldwide in Diaspora communities.

It certainly is not appropriate to remain silent in the face of ongoing challenges confronting Jews collectively and Israel as the reborn nation state of the Jewish People.

Israel faces a myriad of major problems.

Ever since its rebirth in 1948, the country has had to confront daily crises that would have overwhelmed most nations. It is therefore not surprising that today’s challenges are a repeat and rerun of past ones. Those who opposed the Jewish People’s restored sovereignty in their indigenous ancestral homeland in the 1920s and in 1947/48 are still working to undermine it.

The threat of a nuclear-enabled Iran remains a priority to deal with and confront.

The immediate return of each and every kidnapped hostage from the malign clutches of Hamas must be paramount. Making sure that Hamas and every other terror group is defanged is an ongoing objective.

The scandalous situation of Charedi exemptions from IDF and national service is a subject that hitherto was glossed over but has now become too toxic to ignore.

One needs to be mindful that there is a slow but increasingly noticeable trend of young Charedi men who are indeed participating one way or another in service to the country. They are volunteering as first responders with Magen David Adom, Hatzalah and Zaka, all vital and important parts of Israel’s emergency services. Charedi men are also members of the IDF Chevra Kadisha unit and increasingly visible in the special combat units established for them in the IDF.

Many of these young men face being ostracised by their peers, families and communities. Despite this disgraceful phenomenon, they remain determined to contribute to the safety and welfare of the country.

I mention these examples because they highlight the appalling and transparent inconsistency of the majority who shun national service. Even worse are the actions and rhetoric of the Charedi Rabbinic and political leaderships. Their frenetic refusal to encourage and facilitate a whole generation of young men to stand shoulder to shoulder with those defending the country is inexcusable and becoming increasingly untenable.

My first exposure to the disconnection between Charedi communities and the State occurred not long after we had made aliyah thirty-four years ago. Spending Shabbat with a national religious Zionist family who lived in an increasingly ultra-Orthodox Jerusalem suburb proved to be an enjoyable and educational experience. Our host attended a Charedi Synagogue one block from his apartment. He explained that it was more convenient than climbing steep steps to a local mainstream-affiliated one.

As New Zealand has never been home to Jews of Hassidic or non-Hassidic Charedim, I looked forward to this encounter. I was certainly the “odd Jew out” and the only one with a white kippah and not wearing a black suit. Nevertheless, everyone was friendly and the service familiar, albeit with different tunes. What struck me forcefully, however, was the omission of any prayer for the welfare of the country and for the safety of those defending it. When I queried my host about this, he confirmed that this was the norm in all Charedi Synagogues in Israel.

How, I mused, could these groups accept millions of shekels from the Government and at the same time spurn praying for the country’s safety? How on earth can they ignore the sacrifices being made by those defending the country against suicidal and jihadist terrorists dedicated to murdering Israelis?

At present, eighty thousand men between the ages of 18 and 24 are exempt from IDF duties because ostensibly they are studying full time in Yeshivot. The Coalition is trying to pass legislation that will enshrine this mass evasion in law and perpetuate a disgusting state of affairs. To make matters even worse is the fact that taxpayers are funding subsidies and grants to these supposed students and Yeshivot and schools. Not all alleged students attend studies full time, and those who don’t are still exempt from call-up.

The role of the Charedi political parties and their rabbinic patrons is a transparent disgrace. Seeking to justify this mass refusal to serve, they piously pontificate that these yeshiva students are, in fact, safeguarding and defending the country by studying our sacred texts. This claim is unsustainable. If it were true, then how do they explain that Yeshiva students and their rabbis were murdered alongside millions of Jews during the Shoah? Yeshiva rabbis and their students were likewise massacred indiscriminately by Arabs during the 1929 Hebron and Jerusalem pogroms.

Even more despicably, after several Charedi soldiers were killed in Gaza operations, they claimed that their deaths were a result of their abandoning Torah studies. This viscous vitriol is a sign of how disconnected they are becoming from mainstream society.

The only guarantee of preventing another such tragedy is for all Jews, every single able-bodied one, to be trained and prepared to physically defend their communities.

It is asserted that serving in the IDF will entice these young men from their insulated way of life and lead them morally astray. The IDF has established specialised units to address this issue. The frantic efforts to prevent young Charedi men from serving have more to do with maintaining control over them and ensuring that the flow of money continues uninterrupted.

Some have suggested that if a universal draft law is enforced, there could be an exodus of Charedi families from the country. Which countries would they go to where non-working men can still receive handouts from the Government? Is it back to the past with resurrected shtetls in Ukraine, Poland and Russia?

How much longer can a generation receive only a minimum education devoid of exposure to English, science, mathematics and history?

How long can a society be sustained that relies solely on donations and welfare payments?

Manpower shortages and a rapidly rising sense of outrage from the silent majority of Jewish Israelis are bringing this situation to the boil. Either the coalition surrenders to blatant blackmail, or it finally enacts equal service for all with financial penalties for those who have no valid excuse.

The next elections may very likely result in the Charedi parties being excluded from a governing coalition.

The time is long overdue for the Prime Minister to remind all concerned of the admonition of our greatest prophet and leader, Moshe (Moses).

Stressing a collective responsibility for all tribes in the face of danger, he stated: “shall your brethren go to war while you sit here?”

What was true then at the dawn of our claiming sovereignty is even truer today when our sovereignty is challenged and threatened.

Removing Yuli Edelstein this week, the Likud chairman of the Knesset committee considering universal service because he refuses to kowtow to Charedi threats, is the height of political cynicism. Replacing him with someone who is deemed more compliant is a transparent disgrace.

Failure to enact legislation that obligates all sectors of Israeli society to participate in the collective defence of the nation will be the straw that finally breaks the proverbial camel’s back.

If this scandalous situation is not rectified, the electoral fallout that follows is bound to be swift and unmistakable.

SHOCKING: Vueling Airlines Kicks 50 Jewish Children Off Plane for Singing Hebrew Songs, Arrests Female Camp Leader

A disturbing incident unfolded in Spain this week, as Vueling Airlines forcibly removed a group of 50 French Jewish children, ages 10 to 15, from a flight while violently arresting their 21-year-old chaperone, the director of the Kinneret summer camp.

The children, who were en route back to France from a camp program, were left stranded in Valencia after Vueling staff allegedly made antisemitic remarks and ordered them off the aircraft simply for singing Hebrew songs. One crew member reportedly declared that “Israel is a terrorist state” before forcing the group off the plane.

Witnesses say the children were frightened and confused as the airline escalated the situation. The most shocking moment came when the group’s chaperone was reportedly beaten and forcibly detained by Spanish authorities, allegedly at the request of airline staff. Her only apparent “offense” was calmly advocating for the children in her care.

The group remains in Valencia, awaiting arrangements to return home to France.

This incident comes amid a wave of rising antisemitism across Europe, fueled by Hamas propaganda and echoed by platforms like Al Jazeera, Haaretz, and others. As anti-Jewish rhetoric is normalized, real-world abuse has intensified—and this case stands out as one of the most egregious yet.

As of now, Vueling Airlines, a subsidiary of IAG (International Airlines Group), has not issued a public statement.

Jewish organizations in France and Spain are calling for an immediate investigation and accountability for what they describe as blatant antisemitic discrimination and the abuse of minors.

This is a developing story.

Conservative commentator Bill Bennett registers as Qatar lobbyist

William Bennett, a former U.S. secretary of education under former President Ronald Reagan, registered in early July as an agent for Qatar, to advocate for the country on education-related issues.

The registration comes as Qatar works to fight back against growing concerns among the pro-Israel community and lawmakers on Capitol Hill that the country’s massive funding of elite U.S. colleges and universities is fueling anti-Israel and antisemitic ideology and activism on campuses.

Bennett, according to a Foreign Agents Registration Act filing first highlighted by analyst Eitan Fischberger, will receive a total of $210,000 over seven months to serve as a “senior education advisor” to the Qatari Embassy to “make efforts to publicize the fact that Qatari higher education efforts to do not support radical Islamicist movements or positions, and his engaging in publicized efforts — potentially including communications to U.S. political office holders — would help dispel contrary notions.”

“The purpose of this engagement is to provide [Bennett] with information relating to American universities offering curriculum in Qatar, to allow him to review and understand funding decisions made by the Qatari government relating to these schools, to promote Western understanding of the nature of these expenditures and the nature of the curriculum, and, most broadly, to promote economic and cultural understanding between Qatar and the United States,” the filing reads.

Bennett, after his time as education secretary, served as drug czar in the George H.W. Bush administration. Currently, he hosts a podcast, “The Bill Bennett Show,” and serves as the chairman of Conservative Leaders for Education, a group that describes itself as “a campaign comprised of leading state lawmakers and education chairs focused on ensuring conservative principles gain traction in state policy decisions as states begin to develop accountability plans under the new Every Student Succeeds Act.”

Bennett did not respond to a request for comment submitted through Conservative Leaders for Education.

The Qatari government pays millions to a vast army of lobbyists to advocate for its interests in Washington.

Bennett wrote in a Fox News op-ed last year, also first highlighted by Fischberger, that claims that Qatari or other foreign funding are connected to antisemitic activity on college campuses are “unfounded, conspiratorial speculation,” and downplayed the scope of Qatar’s involvement in U.S. higher education.

He praised Qatari Sheikah Moza Bint Nasser, the mother of Qatar’s emir who is an outspoken opponent of Israel and has praised the mastermind of the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas attacks on Israel, as “an impressive Qatari woman.”

“The irony of the false accusations about Qatar’s supposed influence at American universities is that the real foreign influence runs in the opposite direction,” Bennett wrote. “At the Qatari branches of these six American universities there have been no reports of anti-American or antisemitic protests. Some of the main campuses of American universities could learn from their Qatari branches. That would be a better course and a wiser one than denigrating Qatar as it seeks to strengthen its relationship with the United States.”

Recent reporting from the Free Press’ Jay Solomon and Frannie Block concluded that free speech and academic freedom of any kind are suppressed at Qatari campuses of U.S. universities under Qatari law, and that their students have promoted terrorism.

The Free Press also reported that Bennett received two calls from a top Qatari lobbyist days before that op-ed was published.

Bennett has spoken out in the past against antisemitic activity on college campuses, calling it “shameful” that college administrations have failed to adequately respond to antisemitic activity, saying the anti-Israel agitators should be arrested and identified and that colleges should not appease them.

He said that federal funding should be withheld from colleges in response to anti-Israel activity.

UNRWA Forces Refugee Status on Palestinians in Perpetuity — Even Against Their Wishes

A Palestinian walks into a UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) office and asks to be removed from its refugee registry. UNRWA says no.

It sounds like the start of a bad joke. But the joke has been going on for nearly a century, and it has been at the expense of Palestinians, Israelis, and international donors.

When Israel declared independence in 1948, neighboring Arab countries failed to smother the nascent Jewish state in the cradle. A refugee crisis emerged, with around 750,000 Arabs fleeing their homes in Mandatory Palestine. The United Nations created UNRWA to address the refugee issue. But instead of resolving the problem, UNRWA has prolonged it.

UNRWA has developed a massive infrastructure over the years. By expanding the definition of refugees under its care to automatically include the patrilineal descendants of refugees — unlike how the United Nations treats all other refugees — UNRWA has ballooned its registry to nearly 6 million, and its budget has swelled to more than $1 billion annually.

Mo Ghaoui is a naturalized US citizen and an UNRWA-recognized refugee. His citizenship would preclude him from refugee status under the 1951 Refugee Convention — but not so with UNRWA. Ghaoui entered an UNRWA office in Lebanon to pose the question: What if someone wanted to be removed from UNRWA’s list?

“Why?” the employee asked him, in Ghaoui’s account. “There’s nothing to lose. No one does it. No one. We don’t have this procedure.” The UNRWA staffer told Ghaoui that he cannot move past his victimhood identity in the agency’s books.

The enforced permanence of the Palestinian refugee issue is absurd. Thousands of Jews were displaced in the same war that led to UNRWA’s creation, but they neither received their own UN agency nor are they still counted as refugees. The same goes for the 850,000 Jews who were forced from Arab lands in the decades following Israel’s War of Independence.

Moreover, UNRWA was founded just years after the end of World War II, which saw more than 50 million people uprooted from their homes in Europe, including my grandparents. If UNRWA standards were applied universally, I would be a refugee thanks to my father’s birth in a displaced persons camp.

That would be preposterous — just like handing refugee status eternally to the descendants of those displaced in 1948.

For example, real estate developer Mohamed Anwar Hadid, whose father left Nazareth in 1948, is reported to be an UNRWA-recognized refugee even though he now lives in California. This would make his American-born, millionaire model daughters, Bella and Gigi, refugees as well.

The same applies for Zahwa Arafat, the daughter of Yasser Arafat, the late Palestinian president who reportedly stole billions of dollars from his own people, allowing Zahwa to live in Paris and own prime real estate in London.

But UNRWA isn’t just a slap in the face to common sense — its support for terrorism is an obstacle to peace as well.

Of UNRWA’s 13,000 employees in Gaza, Israeli security documents revealed that 440 are active in Hamas’s military operations and 2,000 are registered Hamas operatives. At least nine UNRWA employees took part directly in the October 7 massacre, including at least one who stole the body of a dead Israeli and brought it back to Gaza as a bargaining chip.

In February 2024, Israel discovered a large Hamas data center underneath UNRWA headquarters that ran cables through the UN facility above. Hamas stored weapons in other UNRWA facilities. And a senior Hamas leader eliminated in an Israeli strike in September 2024 was the head of the UNRWA teachers’ union in Lebanon.

IMPACT-se, an international research organization that monitors and analyzes education around the world, has catalogued many cases of UNRWA radicalizing future generations of Palestinians. For example, a textbook used in UNRWA schools praises jihadists, including the perpetrators of October 7, instructing students to count using martyrs as a unit of measurement and teaching pupils the physics behind attacking Israeli soldiers.

Moreover, several UNRWA staffers lauded the Hamas Oct. 7 atrocities on social media.

Meanwhile, UNRWA has campaigned alongside Hamas against the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), a US-funded initiative to provide aid directly to Palestinians, which prevents Hamas from siphoning the supplies. Rather than engage with GHF, UNRWA has campaigned to shutter this threat to Hamas.

And as Mo Ghaoui’s story demonstrated, UNRWA is in the business of protracting the refugee crisis, not solving it. While the UN Refugee Agency, which oversees all non-Palestinian refugees, offers a variety of solutions to help refugees improve their lives, including resettlement in a third country, UNRWA indulges the Palestinians’ desire to move to Israel en masse and overwhelm the only Jewish-majority country in the world.

The inflated rosters and expanding budgets have taken their toll on UNRWA. Several donor countries pulled funds over UNRWA’s collaboration with Hamas. The agency currently faces a $200 million deficit and is considering cutting services.

UNRWA’s critical services should be transferred to neutral bodies, with the ultimate goal of weaning Palestinians off UNRWA’s unrealistic and ahistorical promises.

Reform is not enough — UNRWA is an obstacle to Israeli-Palestinian peace and must be dismantled.

David Mayis a research manager and senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD). Follow David on X@DavidSamuelMay.

President Trump – Let Israel save the Druze!

Mark Zell is VP, Republicans Overseas, & the Chairman of Republicans Overseas Israel. An iInternational lawyer, he describes the current situation below.
Here is what he wrote:
I met today with a senior Israeli Druze leader and former IDF commander who is well informed about the current situation in Suweida — the principal Druze area in southern Syria. He reports:
1. There are about 800,000 Druze living in southern Syria.
2. Highway 110 which connects Suweida and its environs has been cut off by Syrian security forces preventing needed humanitarian aid from reaching the Druze communities.
3. The highway leading from Israeli controlled territory in Syrian Golan to the Druze communities is under the control of Syrian security forces who are preventing essential supplies from reaching the Druze communities.
4. The main bakery for the Druze communities in Umm el-Zeitun has been captured by Syrian security forces who are attempting to starve the Druze of Suweida and environs to death after murdering well over 1000 Druze civilians.
5. The Druze hospitals in Suweida were attacked by Syrian security forces who murdered the entire medical staff and all patients. Their bodies are still lying in the hospital. Attempts to remove the bodies and restore operations of the hospital have been hampered by Syrian snipers who are still in place.
6. Some 35 Druze villages on the ridge from Damascus to Suweida have been occupied by Syrian security forces who are said to be systematically destroying the Druze inhabitants despite the so-called ceasefire.
7. The Trump Administration is said to be preventing the IDF from taking action to clear the highways leading to the Druze communities in the Suweida province. Without IDF intervention or an agreement providing for the withdrawal of Syrian security forces from the key access points, the 1000-year old Druze communities will be utterly destroyed.
8. There is an 800-man US military force not far from Suweida which, if redeployed, would enable medical facilities and essential humanitarian aid to reached the beleaguered Druze population.
9. For various reasons access to the Druze communities through Jordan is not feasible.
10. The failure to remove Syrian security forces from southern Syria constitutes a critical military threat to Israel (and Jordan)
11. If President Trump does not green light the IDF to clear southern Syria of hostile Syrian security forces (which include some 30,000 non-Arab mujihadeen from Afghanistan and Iraq) or fails to allow the US forces already in Syria to provide medical assistance and humanitarian to the Druze communities, the Syrian security forces and their allied militias will wipe out the Syrian Druze in their entirety.
Republicans Overseas Israel together with the Jewish and non-Jewish citizens of Israel call upon President Trump and his Administration to let Israel protect the amazing Druze of Syria and the other minorities in southern Syria and prevent their annihilation by Syrian security forces.
Please, President Trump, @POTUS don’t turn a blind eye to the destruction of our Druze brothers and sisters. Please don’t let October 7th happen again — this time in Syria.


Dr. Aaron Lerner heads IMRA – Independent Media Review and Analysis, since 1992 providing news and analysis on the Middle East with a focus on Arab-Israeli relations.

UN official compares Israeli actions in Gaza to Nazi crimes

“My generation was taught Nazism was the greatest evil; and it was; and colonial crimes should’ve not been omitted,” Albanese stated on X.

“Today, she continued, a state (Israel) starving millions/shooting children for sport, shielded by democracies & dictators alike, is the new abyss of cruelty.”

The UN official concluded her remarks with a question: “How will we survive this?”
Earlier, a disabled Palestinian man, Mohammed al-Sawafiri, died after his health deteriorated due to severe hunger caused by Israel’s blockade.

Also on Sunday, the Ministry of Health in Gaza said on Telegram that Israel’s starvation policy has so far led to the deaths of 86 Palestinians, including 76 children, due to malnutrition and lack of humanitarian aid, which has been blocked from entering Gaza since October 2023.

Syria’s new dawn is already a nightmare

Fighting has engulfed the Druze-majority city of Sweida in southern Syria, leaving over 200 people dead. This week, Druze villages have been overrun by Syrian regime forces and allied Islamist militias under the guise of ‘restoring order’, only for those forces to unleash executions, looting and arson upon Druze neighbourhoods. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, 92 Druze were killed (including 21 civilians executed by government troops) in the space of a few days. In one incident, an 80-year-old Druze sheikh had his moustache, a symbol of honour, forcibly shaved by invading fighters. He was reportedly killed shortly afterwards. This is, it appears, the dark reality of ‘national unity’ under Syria’s new rulers.

The Druze of Sweida are not the only minorities being targeted. In March, on Syria’s Mediterranean coast, over a thousand Alawite civilians were slaughtered in sectarian pogroms. Jihadist militants of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army rampaged through Alawite villages, committing mass murder and revenge killings. A Reuters investigation found that nearly 1,500 Alawite men, women and children were killed between 7 and 9 March by Sunni fighters in Alawite areas.

The violence was ostensibly triggered by a short-lived rebellion of loyalists to former Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad, but the response descended into outright collective punishment. There have been killings, looting and arson targeting Alawites at 40 separate sites at least. Nor were the perpetrators rogue outlaws – they included at least a dozen factions now under the command of Syria’s new government. Many of these are notorious Islamist militias, who have long been under international sanctions for prior atrocities. Graffiti scrawled on a ransacked Alawite home declared: ‘You were a minority and now you are a rarity.’ The intent was nothing less than ethnic cleansing.

The Syrian regime in Damascus, led by interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa (better known as Abu Muhammad al-Jolani), a former ISIS and al-Qaeda member, denies any policy of targeting Alawites. But it is impossible to ignore the regime’s fingerprints on these crimes. Reuters has traced a chain of command from the Alawite massacres in March straight to men serving alongside Sharaa. Orders from Damascus to crush the ‘remnants’ of Assad’s old regime were interpreted on the ground as a licence to exterminate Alawites. Sharaa’s government claims to be investigating these crimes, vowing punishment ‘even among those closest to us’, but impunity reigns. No one has been held to account for March’s bloodbath, and now a similar atrocity is unfolding against the Druze.

The optimism that met Syria’s new Islamist-led regime last year now appears deeply misguided. When HTS and other insurgents ousted Bashar al-Assad’s dictatorship, Sharaa’s ascent to power in December was greeted by many Western leaders and media figures as a fresh start. The jihadist warlord was feted by the commentariat, even cosied up to by the likes of Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart on their The Rest Is Politics podcast. But for Syria’s minorities, the regime change has meant a change in the costumes of the rulers rather than a change in their character. Sharaa insists he seeks to ‘unite’ Syria. In practice, his rule has been marked by sectarian score-settling and broken promises.

The most recent bloodshed followed a familiar pattern. In Sweida, militias struck a deal with Sharaa’s forces to enter the city peacefully. As soon as troops moved in, they indulged in savage practices: summarily executing civilians, looting homes and humiliating elders. Sharaa’s office issued a statement decrying unspecified ‘unfortunate violations’ in Sweida and promising to hold those responsible to account. This is almost a replay of the regime’s response after the Alawite massacres in March, when Sharaa similarly condemned ‘shameful acts’ and vowed justice. Back then, as now, officials claimed the bloodletting was carried out by unruly militias beyond the government’s direct command.

This excuse is wearing thin. If these Islamist militias are truly outside Sharaa’s control, then he is either unable or unwilling to rein in his own allies. Both possible scenarios bode ill for Syria. If the president is too weak to stop genocidal violence by forces fighting under his banner, then Syria remains a patchwork of warlords with no real peace. If instead he quietly endorses or tolerates these pogroms, then his government is complicit in crimes against humanity, merely continuing Assad’s legacy of brutality under a different flag. Sharaa’s ‘inclusive’ government has proven to be cold comfort for those not aligned with his jihadist base.

Amid this bloodshed, Israel has initiated a military intervention to defend Syria’s Druze community. Beginning on Wednesday, the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) targeted Syrian troops in Sweida, and struck the Syrian military headquarters in the centre of Damascus. Jerusalem took a firm stance: leave the Druze alone, or face the consequences. Unlike the hollow threats we hear so often from Western countries, Israel’s warning was supported by force. Israeli strikes destroyed Syrian tanks and vehicles near Sweida and targeted over 160 sites in Syria this week. The IDF has also moved two divisions to the Israel-Syria border in case a broader confrontation ensues.

Israel’s intervention is not purely altruistic. From Israel’s perspective, the Syrian regime’s deployment of armed forces into southern Syria posed a direct threat to its border. Furthermore, the Druze community within Israel, an Arabic-speaking minority that serves conspicuously in the IDF, has close kinship ties to the Syrian Druze. The outrage within Israel over the Sweida massacres quickly turned into protests blocking highways. Hundreds of Israeli Druze even crossed into Syria to defend their brethren. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, facing internal controversies, seized an opportunity to appear tough and decisive. Launching airstrikes in support of the Sweida Druze has proven popular domestically, earning him political points while signalling strength.

Israel’s actions also reflect a broader strategic purpose. Its strikes near Damascus were initially seen as a ‘performative escalation’ – warning shots rather than conclusive strikes. The aim is deterrence: to signal to President Sharaa that any attempt to unify Syria by force, especially by moving armed units into the south, will be met with Israeli firepower.

Some observers argue that Israel simply prefers a weak and divided Syria. By attacking Sharaa’s forces, Israel limits the new regime’s ability to establish control. However, regardless of Israel’s motivation – a mix of realpolitik and solidarity with the Druze – the fact remains that Israeli airstrikes probably saved many Druze lives this week by stopping the advance of sectarian killers.

Israel at least seems to understand what kind of regime it is dealing with in Syria. The contrast with the UK here could hardly be more stark. Barely two weeks before the Sweida massacre, UK foreign secretary David Lammy was in Damascus, shaking hands with President Sharaa and pledging £94.5million in aid to support Syria’s ‘long-term recovery’. With great fanfare, the UK re-established diplomatic ties with Syria after 14 years. Lammy spoke of ‘renewed hope’ and an ‘inclusive and representative’ transition.

Washington has been equally eager to embrace Syria’s post-Assad regime. US president Donald Trump lifted sanctions on Syria in June, and even praised Sharaa as an ‘attractive, tough guy’. He also floated the idea of Syria joining an expanded Abraham Accords peace framework, therefore recognising Israel. The logic was simple: bring Syria in from the cold, peel it away from Iran’s orbit, and declare the 14-year civil war resolved.

That aspiration is now in tatters. The massacres of Druze and Alawites cast grave doubt on the new Syrian government’s credibility and intentions. For all the talk of a fresh start, Syria’s interim rulers have shown a grim continuity with the past: intolerance of dissent, reliance on sectarian militias and a propensity for violence. The West’s willingness to overlook HTS’s jihadist pedigree in exchange for a quick diplomatic win now looks not just cynical, but also dangerously naïve.

Sharaa’s cabinet is literally teeming with individuals and factions under terrorism and human-rights sanctions. Did London and Washington really believe such actors would morph overnight into guarantors of pluralism and human rights? With scattered revenge killings of regime loyalists, crackdowns on minority communities, early signs of trouble were already there, but many Western policymakers and media outlets downplayed them. The result is that Western nations are now awkwardly complicit. British aid and American rapprochement have effectively helped legitimise a government whose associates have now butchered over a thousand men, women and children based on their sect. How will these same leaders credibly condemn atrocities elsewhere when they stayed mum on Syria’s? It is a staggering moral failure.

These events have sobering implications. Regionally, Syria’s ‘new dawn’ is revealing itself as just another nightmare. And far from unifying the country, Sharaa’s reliance on hard-line Islamist forces is deepening its fractures. The Druze, long wary of both Assad and Sunni extremism, may now conclude that they have no place in the new Syria, potentially sparking an exodus or armed self-defence. The Alawites, who already feel betrayed and endangered, could turn to desperate measures, perhaps even inviting foreign protection or forming insurgencies. Sectarian bloodshed on this scale risks reigniting a cycle of vengeance that could unravel the fragile peace achieved. In Lebanon next door, where Druze and Alawite communities also exist, the spillover of sectarian tensions is an ominous possibility. Israel’s direct strikes on Damascus also mark a dangerous escalation, and serve as a reminder that Syria’s war can at any moment ignite regional conflagration.

As the Druze and Alawite tragedies have shown, there is nothing ‘inclusive’ or ‘reformed’ about Sharaa’s new regime.

Andrew Fox is a former British Army officer and an associate fellow at the Henry Jackson Society, specialising in defence and the Middle East.