The memory-holing of a pogrom

SONY DSC

They called their rampage a ‘Jew hunt’. They incited each other to violence, saying ‘[we] may never get this chance [again] to beat up some fucking Jews’. They called for a city-wide ‘rage’ against ‘cancer Jews’ and ‘cancer Zionists’. They damned the Jews as a ‘cowardly’ people. They shared information about the arrival of a ‘train full of Jews’ and said everyone should be there to greet it, because ‘we have to make those cancer Jews feel what they did to our brothers’. The train could be late, one of them joked, because it might be a ‘special train’ laid on by Hitler, ‘with gas for [the Jews]’.

Where were these racist obscenities uttered? Where was this violent hunt for Jews carried out? Germany in 1938, perhaps? No, it was in Amsterdam, last year. This was the jodenjacht of November 2024 when visiting Israeli fans of Maccabi Tel Aviv were ‘hunted’ by mobs of mostly Arab men in the streets of Amsterdam. More details about this pogrom emerged during the latest court cases last week, and they heap yet further shame on the pogrom deniers of the Western left who insisted these were just street clashes, not a Jew hunt.

Five more of Amsterdam’s alleged Jew hunters found themselves in the dock last week. One – Mounir M, aged 32 – is charged with being an administrator of the WhatsApp group in which the violence was incited and organised. Originally called ‘Free Palstine’ (sic), the group later changed its name to ‘Buurthuis 2’ (Dutch for ‘Community Centre 2’). Racial animus and open calls for violence swirled through this ominous chat. Drive your car ‘into those people’, one participant said. ‘Hit them hard’, said another. There must be ‘at least one death’, dreamed one messenger. There were also tips for how to incite the Maccabi fans. Shout ‘Free Palestine’ at them, the mob was advised.

Mounir M is said to have helped oversee this group that seethed with Jew hate. As the Dutch daily paper Het Parool reported, last week’s court proceedings ‘left little to the imagination: participants in the group… incited each other to hunt down Jews’. The court heard that the group was full of ‘insulting words about Jews’, alongside calls for action. There were ‘quips’ too, like the one about Hitler’s special train, with gas in it. Mounir M is accused of responding in the most chilling way to a message about the hotel in which Maccabi fans had taken refuge from the blows of the Jew hunters. ‘Get rid of it’, he allegedly wrote.

Another suspect in the current trial – Mahmoud A, a Palestinian asylum seeker – faces a more serious charge: attempted manslaughter. A video clip allegedly shows him kicking a Maccabi supporter in the head four times as he was lying on the ground. The three other suspects face charges of ‘providing information to commit violence’, trivialising and condoning the Holocaust, and using a belt to whip an elderly visiting Israeli. The Dutch paper De Telegraaf said at the end of last week that this latest ‘Trial of the Jew hunters’ has ‘severely shocked’ the people of the Netherlands. It is horrifying, it said, that an event of such a ‘clearly anti-Semitic character’ could take place in modern-day Amsterdam.

They called their rampage a ‘Jew hunt’. They incited each other to violence, saying ‘[we] may never get this chance [again] to beat up some fucking Jews’. They called for a city-wide ‘rage’ against ‘cancer Jews’ and ‘cancer Zionists’. They damned the Jews as a ‘cowardly’ people. They shared information about the arrival of a ‘train full of Jews’ and said everyone should be there to greet it, because ‘we have to make those cancer Jews feel what they did to our brothers’. The train could be late, one of them joked, because it might be a ‘special train’ laid on by Hitler, ‘with gas for [the Jews]’.

Where were these racist obscenities uttered? Where was this violent hunt for Jews carried out? Germany in 1938, perhaps? No, it was in Amsterdam, last year. This was the jodenjacht of November 2024 when visiting Israeli fans of Maccabi Tel Aviv were ‘hunted’ by mobs of mostly Arab men in the streets of Amsterdam. More details about this pogrom emerged during the latest court cases last week, and they heap yet further shame on the pogrom deniers of the Western left who insisted these were just street clashes, not a Jew hunt.

Five more of Amsterdam’s alleged Jew hunters found themselves in the dock last week. One – Mounir M, aged 32 – is charged with being an administrator of the WhatsApp group in which the violence was incited and organised. Originally called ‘Free Palstine’ (sic), the group later changed its name to ‘Buurthuis 2’ (Dutch for ‘Community Centre 2’). Racial animus and open calls for violence swirled through this ominous chat. Drive your car ‘into those people’, one participant said. ‘Hit them hard’, said another. There must be ‘at least one death’, dreamed one messenger. There were also tips for how to incite the Maccabi fans. Shout ‘Free Palestine’ at them, the mob was advised.

Mounir M is said to have helped oversee this group that seethed with Jew hate. As the Dutch daily paper Het Parool reported, last week’s court proceedings ‘left little to the imagination: participants in the group… incited each other to hunt down Jews’. The court heard that the group was full of ‘insulting words about Jews’, alongside calls for action. There were ‘quips’ too, like the one about Hitler’s special train, with gas in it. Mounir M is accused of responding in the most chilling way to a message about the hotel in which Maccabi fans had taken refuge from the blows of the Jew hunters. ‘Get rid of it’, he allegedly wrote.

Another suspect in the current trial – Mahmoud A, a Palestinian asylum seeker – faces a more serious charge: attempted manslaughter. A video clip allegedly shows him kicking a Maccabi supporter in the head four times as he was lying on the ground. The three other suspects face charges of ‘providing information to commit violence’, trivialising and condoning the Holocaust, and using a belt to whip an elderly visiting Israeli. The Dutch paper De Telegraaf said at the end of last week that this latest ‘Trial of the Jew hunters’ has ‘severely shocked’ the people of the Netherlands. It is horrifying, it said, that an event of such a ‘clearly anti-Semitic character’ could take place in modern-day Amsterdam.

Is there also ‘shock’ outside of the Netherlands over this trial of suspected Jew hunters? Over this chilling spectacle of a pogrom being pored over in a court of law in 2025? Remarkably, no. There’s mostly silence. You will search in vain for coverage in the non-Dutch press of this latest development in the Amsterdam pogrom. Is Europe’s press bored with this story of Jews being hunted on the streets of a European capital? Yes, what a drag that we might have to grapple with the fact that there was an organised and violent hounding of ‘cancer Jews’ on our continent in the 21st century. After all, Europe is meant to be a paragon of liberalism and diversity, and so much more morally superior than those populist oafs who’ve taken over in America. We can’t let a pesky little thing like a Jew hunt interfere with that narrative.

There’s an even more sinister reason for Europe’s silence on this ‘trial of the Jew hunters’ in one of our most enlightened cities. Many have clearly bought into the pogrom denialism that spread like a pox in opinion-forming circles in the immediate aftermath of this street hunt for Jews. Western leftists devoted the same amount of moral energy to denying the truth of the Amsterdam pogrom as they normally devote to uncovering racism absolutely everywhere. The same people who for years decried everything from white women wearing their hair in cornrows to the scuffing of a page in the Koran as ‘racism’ were now shrugging their shoulders over a literal Jew hunt. ‘Maybe the Maccabi fans brought it on themselves’, they essentially said.

To the rational observer, it was clear from the start that what happened in Amsterdam was a pogrom. The first ‘trial of the Jew hunters’ took place in December. Five men were convicted of violence. One had boasted in the WhatsApp group about joining the ‘Jew hunt’ – his words. He later kicked Maccabi fans and grabbed one by the throat. Another described his victims as ‘cowardly [Jews]’. The men, along with around 900 others, were part of the virtual chat which, the court heard, had shared information for the purposes of ‘violence against people of Jewish descent and / or supporters of Maccabi Tel Aviv’. Four of the five men were jailed, one was given a community order.

So we have known since the end of last year that the mob in Amsterdam called its evil endeavour a ‘Jew hunt’. We know they incited each other to ‘beat up some fucking Jews’. We know they gabbed about cleansing Amsterdam of this ‘cancer’ of Jews. We know from last week’s trials that they joked about the Holocaust too, and invoked Hitler, and chuckled about gas, and allegedly beat an Israeli with a belt, and allegedly carried out an attempted manslaughter. All of it done with a ‘clearly anti-Semitic character’, as De Telegraaf said.

And yet still leftists said it wasn’t a pogrom. Still we saw headlines like ‘The pogrom in Amsterdam that wasn’t’. Still we were told that the Maccabi fans had it coming because they yelled offensive slogans and tore down a Palestine flag. These fans brought the ‘spirit of Israeli fascism’ to the Netherlands, one observer said, and folk in Amsterdam just fought back. It was victim-blaming on steroids, as grotesque as when anti-Semites said the Jews of Germany brought Kristallnacht on themselves by being such economic disruptors. Nothing better sums up the turbo-smug racial paternalism of the modern left than the fact that gangs of men said ‘We carried out a Jew hunt!’ and these people essentially replied: ‘No you didn’t. You were just protesting. Bless.’ They don’t only know better than Jews, you see – they know better than Arabs, too.

The pitiless cynicism of so many observers following the Amsterdam pogrom exposed the neo-racist cruelty of identity politics. Their denials of the Jew hunt were fuelled by a warped belief that Jews can never be victims. After all, Jews are part of ‘the privileged’ and Arab migrants are part of ‘the oppressed’. And how can ‘the privileged’ suffer a pogrom at the hands of ‘the oppressed’? They sacrificed the truth of Amsterdam’s Jew hunt at the altar of ideology. They threw Jews under the bus in the service of their own self-aggrandising worldview. They memory-holed a pogrom to preserve their virtue. Other people did the same in Europe 80 years ago. They were not the good guys.

Brendan O’Neill is spiked’s chief political writer and host of the spiked podcast, The Brendan O’Neill Show. Subscribe to the podcast here. His new book – After the Pogrom: 7 October, Israel and the Crisis of Civilisation – is available to order on Amazon UK and Amazon US now. And find Brendan on Instagram: @burntoakboy

Netanyahu: UN report a ‘blood libel,’ ignores Hamas atrocities

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu opens the weekly cabinet meeting at his Jerusalem office on February 10, 2019. - Nudged by rightwing political rivals after a deadly Palestinian attack on a young Israeli woman, Netanyahu who seeks re-election pledged today to freeze money transfers to the Palestinian Authority. (Photo by GALI TIBBON / POOL / AFP) (Photo credit should read GALI TIBBON/AFP/Getty Images)

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday strongly rejected the United Nations Human Rights Council’s report accusing Israel of committing “genocidal acts” in Gaza.

He dismissed the council as an “anti-Israel circus” that has been “exposed as an antisemitic, corrupt, terrorist-supporting and irrelevant body.”

Netanyahu emphasized that Israel withdrew from the council a month ago due to its bias and accused the U.N. of ignoring Hamas’s war crimes, including the Oct. 7, 2023, massacre, which he described as the worst attack on Jews since the Holocaust.

Instead of addressing Hamas’s crimes against humanity, he argued, the U.N. has “once again [chosen] to attack the State of Israel with false accusations, including baseless charges of sexual violence.”

He concluded with a direct condemnation of the council:
“This is not the Human Rights Council, this is the Council of Blood Rights,” the prime minister said.

Gideon Sa’ar, the Jewish state’s foreign minister, called the report “one of the worst blood libels the world has ever seen,” speaking during a joint press conference with his Greek and Cypriote counterparts on Thursday.

“It accuses the victims of the crimes committed against them. Hamas is the organization that has committed horrific sexual crimes against Israelis on October 7. It is indeed a sick publication that only an antisemitic organization could produce,” he said in Athens.

The report was submitted to the Human Rights Council on Thursday.

Anne Herzberg, legal adviser and U.N. representative for NGO Monitor commented on the report from the U.N.’s Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, which accused Israel of systematically destroying women’s healthcare facilities in Gaza and using sexual violence as a war strategy since Oct. 7, 2023.

“This latest report yet again reveals the U.N. Human Rights Council Commission of Inquiry against Israel as a main vector of atrocity denial and inversion,” Herzberg said.

“Since October 7, the COI [Commission of Inquiry] has outrageously accused Israel of committing crimes against humanity in Gaza while refusing to say the same about Hamas. It also downplayed the mass sexual violence committed on October 7 against Israeli women and girls, while now issuing an entire report dedicated to defaming the IDF with the false claim of perpetrating systematic gender-based violence against Palestinians.

“Moreover, the COI has done zero advocacy to free the hostages, while just this week held another two days of anti-Israel propaganda hearings. We hope the new U.S. administration will cut all funding to the U.N. bodies responsible for providing millions of dollars to this egregious panel and that all countries of conscience will swiftly follow suit,” Herzberg said.

JNS report (video from 2024) on “Conference on the Jewish Left” at Boston U on 2/28/25

Many of these blatantly political and terror supportering groups have 501c3 status.
According to this article “Local pro Israel and Jewish groups didn’t comment on the event”.
I sent the information to the relevant orgs and Jewish and national media outlets and Conservative journalists.
Video of the 2024 conference below.
CURA – Institute On Culture Religion And World Affairs wrote they would be posting a video of the 2025 Jews4Jihad Hatefest on their YouTube channel  but gave no date.

Anti-Israel event at Boston University ‘betrayal of the ideals of a fine university’

Local pro-Israel and Jewish groups didn’t comment on the event, which Rabbi David Wolpe told JNS was “a twisted perversion of the historical record and Israel’s actions.” Photo: Aerial view of Boston, with a focus on Boston Universityís Agganis Arena (foreground), home of the universityís famed hockey team (and other sports), on the shore of the Charles River, below Cambridge, April 28, 2019. Photo by Carol M. Highsmith/Carol M. Highsmith Archive, Library of Congress.

By Dave Gordon
Source: Jewish News Syndicate

Major U.S. Jewish groups lie to their constituents and believe that Jewish lives are more valuable than those of Palestinians, Israeli soldiers terrorize Palestinian students and the Jewish state is guilty of genocide and of killing children intentionally. Those were some of the claims that were made at the Conference on the Jewish Left, the second iteration of the event, which was held at Boston University on Feb. 28.

The Boston University Center for the Humanities, the Jewish Cultural Endowment at Boston University—which is part of the Elie Wiesel Center for Jewish Studies at the private university—and the Krupp Family Foundation, which supports “social and racial justice,” were listed as the main sponsors.

Other sponsors included the Religion, Conflict and Peace Initiative at Harvard Divinity School, BU Diversity and Inclusion and Wellesley College’s Jewish Studies Program. JNS sought comments from all of the sponsors and from the Israeli consulate general in Boston and the American Jewish Committee’s New England office.

David Wolpe, rabbi emeritus of Sinai Temple in Los Angeles, told JNS that Boston University’s Chobanian and Avedisian School of Medicine invited him last year “to address blatant and persistent antisemitism there in particular and on campus in general.”

“You can mention that, and say what is happening in the BU campus is a betrayal of the ideals of a fine university, a threat—implicit or blatant—to Jewish students and a twisted perversion of the historical record and Israel’s actions,” Wolpe told JNS. (JNS sought comment from Boston University.)

The only sponsor of the event who responded to JNS was Warren S. Goldstein, executive director of the Center for Critical Research on Religion, which he said was “proud” to support the event.

The conference “brought progressive Jews together at a time when freedom of speech has been under attack by some on the right,” Goldstein told JNS. “As a conference, it brings those with various viewpoints together to encourage debate and discussion.”

Goldstein said that “J Street is hardly ‘hard left,’” since the group supports “a two-state solution, which is quite mainstream.”

“Regarding the question of genocide, it depends on how one defines it,” Goldstein said, referring JNS to a definition on the website of the United Nations.

“On the intentionality of killing women and children in Gaza, intention is hard to establish especially in a large organization like the IDF,” he said. “But no one denies that tens of thousands of Palestinian women and children were killed by the IDF. The question is whether this could have been avoided.”

‘Raised us on a lie’

At the event at Boston University, Simone Zimmerman, a co-founder of the anti-Israel group IfNotNow, told attendees that the Jewish community “raised us on a lie.”

Mainstream Jewish groups “believe that Jewish lives are inherently more worthy than Palestinian lives, that Jews deserve an ethno-state that comes at a direct cost to Palestinians,” she added. “In order to defend the indefensible, they’ve built an entire industry of denial, diversion and diffusion, with the cost of Zionism on its Palestinian victims.”

Jeremy Menchik, associate professor of international relations and political science at Boston University and director of its Institute on Culture, Religion and World Affairs, directed the conference. He said that the event, which organizers said drew 800 people in person and online, took place when “foundational principles of justice and democracy are under attack.”

In his opening remarks, Menchik said that 65 schools were represented at the event, including Tel Aviv University and University of Haifa. He also said Columbia University, where it is “not an easy place to be a progressive,” was represented.

The anti-Israel groups Jewish Voice for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine, and J Street, which describes itself as “pro-Israel, pro-peace, pro-democracy,” also participated in the event.

Zimmerman, the IfNotNow co-founder, delivered a keynote titled “Nakba denial and the future of American Judaism.” (“Nakba” is an Arabic word meaning “catastrophe,” which some anti-Israel people use to describe the founding of the Jewish state.)

Growing up in what she called a “tight knit” Los Angeles Jewish community, Zimmerman, a board member of Jews for Racial and Economic Justice Action, said that Zionism “was a fact of my existence, a core pillar of my identity.” But as a student at University of California, Berkeley, she interacted with Palestinian students and heard of the “terror” they experienced.

Her experiences “shattered something in me irreparably, something that can never and should never be repaired by Zionism,” she told attendees. “This has propelled me on a journey of witnessing the Palestinian reality.”

She referred to Israel’s war against Hamas as a genocide and said the Jewish state aimed “to erase the past, present and future of Palestinian life on that land.”

Omer Bartov, dean’s professor of Holocaust and genocide studies at Brown University, gave a keynote address on “Israel’s war in Gaza and the question of genocide.”

“There are obviously some armed Hamas and other Palestinian fighters in Gaza who can, every once in a while, come out from the debris or from tunnels and fire a rocket at a group of soldiers or at a tank,” he told attendees.

“If they’re lucky, they may kill or wound a few of them, but there is no real organized resistance,” he added. “Hamas is operating in Gaza, but it no longer has the ability for organized resistance, and therefore it isn’t actually a war.” He told attendees that the Jewish state aims to carry out “ethnic cleansing.”

Video of 2024 Conference.

An important conversation about the Jewish Left amidst the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with speakers Shaul Magid, Andy Izenson, Daniel May, Atalia Omer, and Irena Klepfisz.

00:00 Jeremy Menchik: ”Welcome to the Jewish Left”

11:52 Shaul Magid: “Does the Left Have to Fail to Succeed? Today’s Progressivism through the lens of 1960s Radicalism”

1:04:12 Andy Izenson: “The World That is Coming: Do’ikayt and Mystical Anarchsim” 1:46:24 Daniel May: “The Jewish Left at a Moment of Crises: What can and Should be the Role of Journalism”

2:28:30 Atalia Omer: “The Israeli Jewish Left”

3:07:50 Irena Klepfisz: “Giving up on Sainthood, Allowing for Change: A few Thoughts and Poems”

Music by penguinmusic – “Better Day” from Pixabay

The Jewish Left

Former Oct. 7 hostage reveals savage ‘birthday gift’ from Hamas

Omer Wenkert has broken his silence over the abuse and torture he experienced during his 505 days in Hamas captivity.

When Hamas started infiltrating southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, Wenkert sought safety in a shelter which was soon discovered.

“I heard ‘Allahu Akbar,’ the pin of a grenade being pulled, and then—boom. Three grenades exploded inside the shelter,” Wenkert recalled to Channel 12 News.

In the chaos that followed, Wenkert witnessed people burned alive and made the desperate decision to shield himself with dead bodies. A young woman, whose name he doesn’t know, saved his life by grabbing a grenade and throwing it back outside.

Eventually, Wenkert decided, “My parents don’t deserve to receive my burnt body. I refuse to die like this.”

When he emerged from the shelter, a group of terrorists were waiting.

“We’re not shooting. Come here,” one terrorist told him.

Wenkert was bound and loaded onto a pickup truck. Upon entering Gaza, a mob beat him brutally. Conscious of his situation, he made sure to look at cameras, hoping evidence of his survival would reach the outside world.

Almost immediately, Wenkert was taken underground into the vast labyrinth of Hamas tunnels under Gaza. Initially held with Thai hostages and fellow Israeli Liam Or, their daily rations consisted of three dates in the morning, half a pita at night, and half a liter of water shared between two people.

To maintain his sanity, Wenkert spoke aloud to himself for two hours each day. When his birthday came, his “present” was being brutally beaten with an iron rod.

“I saw the dates — I was beaten that day. That was my birthday gift. That was the day I took a rod to the head. The door burst open, and the terrorist woke me with absolute frenzy and insane aggression. He humiliated me, beat me, came at me with an iron rod,” he recalled.

Again, I had made up my mind that I wouldn’t show weakness in front of them. So even as he did it, I looked him in the eyes.”

After Or’s release in November 2023, Wenkert’s situation worsened. He was moved to a one-meter-by-one-meter room. For 245 days, he endured solitary confinement, completely cut off from the outside world.

“I thought they were burying me alive,” he recollected.

His isolation finally ended when hostages Tal Shoham, Evyatar David, and Guy Gilboa-Dalal were thrown into the 23-year-old’s cell. Starved for human connection, Wenkert’s first words to them were, “I need a hug. I need human contact.”

At some point, Hamas terrorists came to booby-trap their room, warning, “If the IDF comes to rescue you, we will all die together.”

When Wenkert learned he would be released while David and Gilboa-Dalal would remain captive, he was devastated. As he was being released during a propaganda handover ceremony last month, Wenkert caught a glimpse of them smiling faintly and waving goodbye from inside a Hamas van.

“That small smile was everything,” he said.

Since returning home, Wenkert has been consumed with thoughts of those still in captivity.

“I can’t stop thinking about them. I know what they’re going through; it’s unbearable. I don’t think ‘brothers’ is a word that suffices to describe our relationship. I have a need for them right now.”

“I told them, I won’t rest for a moment until you return.”

Do Not Be Fooled By Hamas’s ‘Long-Term Ceasefire’ Ploy

  • As part of the deception, according to the IDF report, Hamas was working to convince Israel that it was interested in calm and was working for economic prosperity. The IDF investigation concluded that Hamas had planned the October 7 attack for more than 10 years.
  • Today, everyone knows that the talk about a long-term truce was nothing but a smokescreen to conceal Hamas’s real intention of launching its October 7 attack against Israel.
  • Hamas anyway is not known for honoring ceasefire agreements…. On July 26, 2014, Hamas announced a 24-hour humanitarian ceasefire at 14.00. Hamas violated its own ceasefire a short time later.
  • For Hamas, a hudna is a temporary break from war — it does not indicate a desire to end it and achieve peace. While Hamas was talking, for ten years before October 7, 2023, about its desire to reach a long-term truce, it was busy preparing for the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.
  • It is plainly uninformed to believe that Hamas would ever lay down its weapons and agree to end its jihad (holy war) against Israel.
  • The Trump administration is advised to listen to what Hamas leaders say in Arabic to their own people, and not what they tell US officials during secret meetings in Qatar. Earlier this month, for instance, senior Hamas official Sami Abu Zuhri, speaking in Arabic, reassured his people that his group rejects demands by Israel and the US to disarm…
  • A ceasefire deal will allow Hamas to remain in power and prepare more massacres against Israel. The only solution for the current crisis is for Hamas to disarm, cede control over the Gaza Strip and leave the Palestinian arena.

    Adam Boehler, the US Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs, stated on March 9 that he did not rule out the possibility of reaching a long-term truce between Israel and the Iran-backed Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in the Gaza Strip. He also did not rule out the possibility that Hamas would agree to lay down its weapons, saying:

    “I think there’s an answer here, and I think the answer is that Hamas lays down their arms. We exchange prisoners, and they [Hamas] go into a long-term truce, where they don’t fight, they’re not part of any political party, and that gives us lots of cooling-off time.”

    Boehler’s statements came after the American media outlet Axios revealed that the Trump administration has been holding direct talks with Hamas over the release of US hostages held in the Gaza Strip and the possibility of a broader deal to end the war, which erupted on October 7, 2023 when thousands of Hamas terrorists and ordinary Palestinians invaded Israel, murdered some 1,200 Israelis and wounded thousands others. Another 251 people were kidnapped to the Gaza Strip. Fifty-nine hostages are still being held by Hamas, half of whom may no longer be alive.

    While the Trump administration deserves enormous appreciation for its sincere efforts to secure the release of the Israeli and American hostages, it must be careful not to allow itself to be duped by Hamas.

    For many years, Israel believed that Hamas was not interested in an all-out war with Israel and was working for economic prosperity in the Gaza Strip. Recently, when the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) published the results of an investigation into the October 7 massacre, they showed how Hamas managed to deceive Israel into thinking that the terrorist group was not interested in another round of fighting. As part of the deception, according to the IDF report, Hamas was working to convince Israel that it was interested in calm and was working for economic prosperity. The IDF investigation concluded that Hamas had planned the October 7 attack for more than 10 years.

    Hamas’s deception included sending messages to Israel indicating interest in a long-term truce. According to one report:

    “Hamas recently sent a series of messages to Israel indicating interest in a long-term ceasefire lasting for several years… Senior Hamas officials met with Western diplomats about the ceasefire, and also reached a number of understandings about the character of the ceasefire, also known as tahdiyya [calm].”

    In 2018, Egypt was reported to be finalizing details of a long-term truce deal between Israel and Hamas. An Egyptian security source was quoted as saying that “the period of calm will be for one year, during which contacts will be held to extend it for another four years.”

    Today, everyone knows that the talk about a long-term truce was nothing but a smokescreen to conceal Hamas’s real intention of launching its October 7 attack against Israel.

    Hamas anyway is not known for honoring ceasefire agreements. During the past 15 years, several truces reached between Hamas and Israel collapsed after the terrorist group violated them, including by test-firing rockets toward the sea, including those with a notably long range. On July 15, 2014, Israel accepted a ceasefire initiated by Egypt and stopped all fire. However, Hamas terrorists then fired more than 50 rockets at Israeli communities. On July 17, Israel agreed to a five-hour humanitarian ceasefire. Hamas rejected it and fired rockets, including at the city of Beersheba. On July 20, Israel approved a two-hour medical and humanitarian window in the area of Shejaiya in the Gaza Strip, following an International Committee of the Red Cross request. Forty minutes after the ceasefire went into effect, Hamas violated it. Nevertheless, Israel implemented the ceasefire, even extending it for two more hours. On July 26, 2014, Hamas announced a 24-hour humanitarian ceasefire at 14.00. Hamas violated its own ceasefire a short time later.

    Some Westerners mistakenly think that Hamas’s talk about a hudna (armistice or truce) implies that the terrorist group seeks peace with Israel. Yet, hudna has another meaning for many Muslims, particularly extremists. The roots of hudna can be traced back to the Treaty of Hudaybiyya in 628 CE, a pivotal agreement between prophet Mohammed and the Quraysh tribe of Mecca. This treaty allowed Muslims to perform pilgrimage to Mecca and established a truce between the two parties for 10 years. Over the following two years, however, Mohammed rearmed, broke the hudna and launched a full conquest of Mecca.

    For Hamas, a hudna is a temporary break from war — it does not indicate a desire to end it and achieve peace. While Hamas was talking, for ten years before October 7, 2023, about its desire to reach a long-term truce, it was busy preparing for the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.

    It is plainly uninformed to believe that Hamas would ever lay down its weapons and agree to end its jihad (holy war) against Israel.

    The Trump administration is advised to listen to what Hamas leaders say in Arabic to their own people, and not what they tell US officials during secret meetings in Qatar. Earlier this month, for instance, senior Hamas official Sami Abu Zuhri, speaking in Arabic, reassured his people that his group rejects demands by Israel and the US to disarm, emphasizing:

    “The right to resistance is nonnegotiable. The weapons of the resistance are a red line, and we won’t exchange it for reconstruction [of the Gaza Strip] and humanitarian aid.”

    The assumption that a long-term ceasefire would lead to “cooling-off time” is misguided. As in the past, Hamas and other Palestinian terrorist groups will exploit any period of calm to rearm, regroup and resupply.

    In the past, Hamas leaders also met with Western officials, but that did not prevent them from pursuing their jihad against Israel. In the past, some Hamas officials also mentioned the possibility of reaching a long-term truce with Israel, but that feint did not stop the terrorist group from firing rockets toward Israeli towns and cities or preparing the October 7 massacre.

    A ceasefire deal will allow Hamas to remain in power and prepare more massacres against Israel. The only solution for the current crisis is for Hamas to disarm, cede control over the Gaza Strip and leave the Palestinian arena.

    Khaled Abu Toameh is an award-winning journalist based in Jerusalem.

Adam Boehler’s Palestinian colleague, Bashar Masri

Please review documentation of the Bashar Masri connection to terror singer Mohammad assaf.- who happens to be Masri’s son in law

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/inside-rawabi-a-new-west-bank-city-built-by-bashar-masri-for-palestinians-60-minutes-2019-12-08

Sixty Minutes received and ignored our short movie which portrayed Mohammad Assaf’s terror message at the same concert sponsored by  Bashar  Masria

 

Alan Dershowitz Sends Chilling Warning To The Jewish Nation

Alan Dershowitz Sends Chilling Warning To The Jewish Nation

Yishai Fleisher is the International Spokesperson for the Jewish community of Hebron. He is also Contributing Editor at JewishPress.com and a broadcaster on the LandofIsrael.com. Yishai is a frequent columnist for major English language news and analysis websites in Israel including Breitbart Jerusalem, Jerusalem Post, Israel HaYom, and more. Yishai holds a JD from Cardozo Law and rabbinic ordination from Kollel Agudat Achim. Yishai served as a Paratrooper in the IDF and continues to participate in an elite battlefield reserve unit.

Dore Gold z”l. A special moment

Dr. Dore Gold died last week at the age of 71.

Dore, an American immigrant to Israel, rose to the top, becoming a top advisor to the Prime Minister, Director of the Israel Foreign Ministry, Israel ambassador to the UN, and Israel ambassador to the US. Dore’s last position was as the head of the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs

When I first opened up my office in 1987,Dore went out of his way to introduce me to his colleagues at Tel Aviv University, for which I was forever appreciative.

Soon after that, my mother. a pundit in her own right, ran a feature about Dore for the Magazine of PNAI, Parents of North American Israelis.

Dore’s mother. a fellow member of PNAI made a point to mention a story which reflected on what Dore Gold was all about.

Dore had finished Columbia with honors, after which he received a $500 gratuity from the school in honor of his excellence in academic achievement.

Dore asked for a meeting with the Columbia University librarian , where he presented the library with a gift of that same $500 and ask that the school iibuy texts that would be appropriate to the scholarly interests of Jewish students who might study at Columbia.

Dore’s Mom observed that Dore wanted to drive home the point that most distressed him; the dearth of books for Jewish students when Dore began his studies at Columbia.

The librarian promptly escorted Dore to a tour of book stores, to select books for the next generation of students at Columbia.

Dore’s passing comes at the precise time when the US Government has cut federal funding to the Columbia, citing Columbia’s “continued inaction in the face of persistent harassment of Jewish students.”

May Dore’s memory be blessed.

 

100 days into his role, Tel Aviv’s Anu Museum CEO Oded Revivi looks to keep his institution relevant

The old Beit Hatfutsot, literally “the House of the Diasporas,” on Tel Aviv University’s campus was a museum focused on the past, on how and where Jews lived before the founding of the State of Israel. It was also a dark place, literally, and one that fewer and fewer people wanted to visit.

“Beit Hatfutsot was built with a specific vision, with a specific idea. Somebody even put it in a very bold manner. They said to me, ‘The idea behind Beit Hatfutsot was to build an exhibit of the different communities in the Diaspora, with the idea that all the Jews need to make aliyah, and they will have here some sort of memorial place, where they can come and see what it was like in their communities in the past,” Oded Revivi, the recently hired CEO of the Beit Hatfutsot’s successor, Anu Museum of the Jewish People, told eJewishPhilanthropy last week.

In 2005, the Knesset passed a law recognizing the museum as a national institution — similar to Yad Vashem and the National Library of Israel — and around the same time, the museum’s stakeholders decided it was time for a change.

They developed a new plan and started work to reimagine the museum. In 2012, the museum’s board hired Dan Tadmor as CEO to spearhead the total overhaul of the institution, changing its name to Anu Museum of the Jewish People, renovating the building and updating its ethos, from one primarily fixed on the past to one that highlights the present, not only how Jews once lived around the world but how they live there today.

The museum reopened its doors in 2020, and now, five years later, Revivi — who is reaching his 100th day in office — is tasked with developing a strategic vision to take the institution into the future. Revivi does not come from the museum world or even, professionally, from the Jewish peoplehood field — though he does have many personal connections to Diaspora Jewry. For more than 15 years, Revivi was mayor of the Jerusalem suburb settlement of Efrat, known for representing the more liberal and progressive face of the settler movement, championing LGBT rights and Israeli-Palestinian cooperation.

To understand his vision for the museum and how it will grapple with the immediate challenges facing the institution amid diminished Israel travel, as well as larger issues facing the Jewish people, eJewishPhilanthropy sat down with Revivi for a wide-ranging interview in his office in the basement of the museum.

The interview has been lightly edited for clarity.

Judah Ari Gross: So how’s it going so far? 

Oded Revivi: That will be in Hebrew. Me’ein olam haba. [A vision of the world to come]. That’s my official online and offline answer.

When you apply for a new job — which I haven’t done very frequently so I don’t know but I can only guess — you don’t really know what holds behind the title and what it really is. And once I’ve come into this museum, I’ve discovered that it is much more than a museum. It’s a completely different topic of activity than what I am used to [doing]. At least I thought it was going to be a completely different topic. I just corrected myself in that respect because all of a sudden I find myself hosting delegations here who come because of what they’ve heard about the museum and we go into discussions about reality in Israel, challenges of the Israeli people, relationship between Israel and the Diaspora.

It is a fascinating place. I don’t know when you’re going to publish your piece but we’re coming close to my first hundred days in the office and it’s just an endless place to learn and to know about what we’re doing here and also probably what we need to do.

JAG: So what do you need to do? As you said, Anu tries to be more than just a museum that you come and walk through and look at the exhibits. What are you looking to do with the museum? What is the museum already doing that you want to help it accomplish better? What’s the goal for it moving forward?

OR: So it is no secret that Beit Hatfutsot went through a transition from Beit Hatfutsot to Anu. And for that process, the previous CEO, Dan Tadmor, did an amazing job. He took a museum that hardly anybody walked into. It was a dying dinosaur. But it had one asset, a specific legislation that only two other institutions in Israel benefit from — one is Yad Vashem and the other one is the National Library, and Beit Hatfutsot was the third one. He took Beit Hatfutsot from a place that hardly anybody walked in and created this amazing technological museum that some say is the number one in the level of technology presenting its displays. And bringing to a figure of almost half a million visitors every year, if we eliminate war and the COVID-19 pandemic.

JAG: Which is hard to do. The museum has basically only been open for COVID-19 and war.

OR: Absolutely right. We opened the day before the COVID started. We had some time without COVID, and then the war started. So that’s how we can get up to half a million visitors a year, those are the figures that we showed.

But with the challenge of COVID-19 and the war, there was definitely a request presented by the board to create a new vision for this place. Now, when you go down to write a new vision, you’re not really standing opposite the white board and writing whatever you want. You look backwards to what was written in the past and part of the vision is actually written in the legislation. Part of the vision was written by [Jewish partisan leader and writer] Abba Kovner who was one of the founders. And part of the vision was written as things developed.

For the last 10 years, the vision was to rebuild the museum. And that’s why really the board said “Now that we’ve completed the rebuilding, the rebranding of the museum, let’s see what’s the next stage.”

So for that we’re actually in a process with the team, with the chairwoman of the board, Irina Nevzlin, to try and figure out in writing what is the new vision. And when that will be completed, then it will also be able to be presented. And that’s why this is a long answer to maybe a short question. I can tell you that the guidelines that I received from the board is to write a new vision. I can say to you that the guidelines that I received were that they would like to see Anu becoming an even more dominant place.

When I came here and I said that in the interview [for the position], I said I would like to see every dignitary who comes to Israel, like they go to Yad Vashem, like they go to the Kotel, that they come and visit the Anu Museum. Why? Because the Anu Museum displays a completely different chapter or a different approach of [Jewish] history that needs to be presented. And if it is so important to take every head of state, every dignitary to see Yad Vashem, it is just as important to bring them here. I wasn’t aware, as somebody who grew up in Jerusalem, who lives in Efrat, that hardly anybody comes to Tel Aviv. Apparently all the important people, they just come to Jerusalem. So you have a challenge, how do you put in their itinerary an activity taking place in Tel Aviv.

If we’re talking about making Anu in a more dominant place, I can give you ideas where we are at the moment. We are in some sort of discussion with at least two Jewish museums around the world. One of them is closed, one of them hasn’t closed yet. And both of them are saying we would like to be a branch of the Anu Museum. So if I become a chain of museums, that’s really putting me in a more dominant place.

There is a beginning of a process of turning this museum into completely digital. What does that mean? It means that if you live in the furthest place from Israel and you haven’t had a chance yet to visit the museum, we’ll be able to provide you a digital tour in the museum that you’ll have the experience of almost being here. And we are exploring maybe even having with one of the universities a master’s degree in Jewish peoplehood. So those are the types of things that we are exploring.

JAG: Are there other areas that you’re looking to, that you’re sort of exploring? Producing content, producing movies or documentaries.

OR: There are definitely different ideas. At the end of the day, it’s also a matter of raising funds for it. We’ve got a range of different backgrounds of donors, and they come from different fields of professionalism. We had a talk with somebody three weeks ago about creating games for the Anu Museum. Why? Because he sees his grandchildren with all the games and he says, “I want them to engage through gaming.” So will that develop into something physical or not? Time will tell. We’re open for suggestions and exploring in every direction, bearing in mind that the charter of the museum is to strengthen the connection of the Jewish people, wherever they are in the world, to their Judaism. And that’s what we’re trying to do.

JAG: There are constantly discussions about what is Jewish peoplehood, what is Jewish peoplehood versus Zionism, versus other ideologies that are out there. What do you believe is the role of Jewish people who today don’t live in the State of Israel? What’s their connection to the story of the Jewish people and to the museum?

OR: So here I will specify that what I’m answering here is my personal opinion. I’m not a spokesperson of the museum.

When we have a terror attack in one of the Jewish communities around the world, you hear Israeli government ministers coming out with a statement, “This is a lesson. All the Jews in that specific city need to come on a plane yesterday and make aliyah.” That comes from a place of not understanding what it means to be a Jew in the Diaspora, not understanding that the people who live there actually have a life, not understanding that they have families, they have workplaces, and not everybody can make aliyah.

As a kid, I was twice on shlichut with my parents. It gave me quite a good sense of what it means to be a Jew in the Diaspora. My father worked all his life for Jewish organizations. I don’t remember one Friday night that we didn’t have guests from abroad, from different types of communities, different backgrounds, and Judaism was always discussed on the Shabbat meal table.

JAG: Where did you do shlichut

OR: Once in Englewood, N.J., and once in London. And then I did my law degree in England, where I met my wife, who is from Manchester, and we’re still connected to the community that she grew up in, and we just visited two weeks ago. My mother-in-law lives there. She’s almost 92. And when we discuss with her making aliyah because life is becoming difficult, her answer is, “I’m not making aliyah because I have a life here.” And that’s with all the hardship that she’s going through, just because of her age and her health. So, there is a place in this world for the Diaspora. And people who don’t realize it and don’t see it, they don’t understand the whole picture of the Jewish people.

I think Oct. 7 has been a turning point for both Israelis and Jews in the Diaspora in understanding two things: One is the importance of the existence of one another. All of a sudden, we in Israel understood how important it is to have a strong American Jewry who can put pressure on a president, whether he wants to support us or doesn’t want to support us, wants to send ammunition, doesn’t want to send ammunition. If you didn’t have a strong American Jewish community, there wouldn’t be an AIPAC.

And on the other hand, I think that the Diaspora, after a long period of frustration with decisions made by the State of Israel, all of a sudden, because of the the rise in antisemitism, understood how important it is that there will be a strong Israel, that Israel will be able to look after the interests of these communities and try to see how we can benefit one another.

JAG: Speaking of those differences, the plurality of American Jews support the two-state solution. You come to this position as a former mayor of Efrat, which is a settlement. Do you see that as an issue? Has that been an area that you have to navigate? Or is that not something that’s come up? Even in Israel, there’s certainly people who may have an issue with that. Was that something that was brought up when you were applying for the position?

OR: It wasn’t brought up when I was applying for the position. It’s definitely being raised, I would say, at least once a day. OK. [He chuckled.] I can’t erase my background. Nobody can change the fact that I was the mayor of Efrat for 15.5 years. I’m proud to say that being the mayor of Efrat for 15.5 years, I’ve built myself a reputation of somebody who is keen on building bridges and not building fences.

I can mention as a fact that on Oct. 5, two days before the Oct. 7 [attacks], in my house, there was the annual gathering of Palestinian neighbors with a general from the IDF, an equivalent officer from the police and residents of Ephrat.

During my last election, the person who was running against me definitely used that against me. And I said, “Look, Oded is one who can have a dialogue with Arabs and look what happened on Oct. 7. Do you want somebody like that as a mayor?”

So I don’t really think that I have something to be embarrassed about. I think I can take it as a tool to show how I deal with different opinions and different views, apply the same method in my position here when we need to be the center of all the Jewish communities in Israel and in the Diaspora, and to try and engage with every single community.

JAG: There are also significant portions of the population in Israel and abroad that think it’s a good thing that you come from that background as well, obviously.

OR: Right. So my background, in a way, is not relevant. On the other hand, my background might be very relevant to try and attract new audiences that weren’t here before.

JAG: In terms of audiences, Israel right now is seeing very low tourism. In terms of individuals, in terms of groups, and all of the large gap year programs, which I imagine were the bread and butter of your visitors. That’s something that’s seen a significant decrease. As you are developing a new vision for the museum, are you factoring in those kinds of dips in tourism to build resilience for the museum? Through the digital version of the tour that you mentioned, for instance? 

OR: Resilience is a nice word. After Oct. 7, we actually developed a special tour with a focus on resilience. And I’m just picking on a word that you’ve included in your question and I’ll address your question in a minute, but I’ll just give you an example. We have in the exhibition of the middle of the 19th century, when people were in a dilemma: Where to go? To immigrate to the United States, to stay in Europe, to leave Judaism, to go to Israel. And one of the exhibits which is actually very loaded is a wooden suitcase that we used to convey a message for kids. What were the dilemmas of a wandering Jew? What do you actually put in the suitcase? You can’t fit everything in. And it’s a small game that you try and fit things in. Those who designed the exhibit couldn’t anticipate Oct. 7 and couldn’t anticipate the dilemma that kids and families in the north and in the south having to be evacuated from their homes had about what to put in their suitcase.

So it is an excellent example of where we take history, we bring it into current events and relevance, but also now to show the perspective of what happened 100 years ago. Maybe the same dilemmas, but since then we’ve got an independent state, we’ve got an army, we’re bigger, we’re stronger.

There is no replacement for the actual experience of coming and going through the museum. Something different. And even when you come here, if you start at the third floor and go down to the first floor or start at the 1st floor and go all the way up to the third floor, you feel a completely different experience. So we’re hoping that the lack of tourists, the lack of donors, the lack of visitors from abroad is something temporary and will end very quickly.

JAG: And how do you teach Israelis about the importance of Jewish peoplehood? 

OR: There is a challenge. When you see on an average day, the amount of students that go through the museum, you see the amount of soldiers who go through the museum, you understand that we are trying to do the best to touch as many people as possible, not to convince them, but to try to teach them the language, to try and teach them the diversity of the Jewish people. And in order to achieve that, we need funds, which is definitely a challenge when you don’t have tourists and when the donors don’t come as frequently as they used to come.

For example, in Israel it’s become popular to send kids to mechinot [pre-army preparatory programs]. I would love to get these youngsters to come and explore the museum, but these programs are very low funded. They don’t have the funds to provide for the buses to bring the youngsters here to the museum. If I could find a donor who would fund their journey to the museum, that would be amazing. So the attempt to reach more audiences and more Israelis is definitely out there.

JAG: In terms of fundraising, on the one hand there has been an increase in funding for Israel-related issues and Jewish education-related issues post-Oct. 7, and on the other, there has reportedly been a drop in funding in some other areas, such as in culture. Where does Anu fall in that?

OR: I would say that museums, art, culture are not always at the top priority of the philanthropic world, because there are always way more burning issues and more urgent issues.

JAG: But education is. 

OR: Right, so we try to find the areas where we can create attractive motives for people to donate. So as you said, education is one. Tolerance is another one. Israeli soldiers are a third one. There were quite a lot of people who were evacuated from the north and the south, and some of them lived in proximity of Tel Aviv. So we had special tools, special programs for those who were evacuated from their homes, not because we wanted to raise donations, but because we wanted to provide them with culture, and then we understood that that might be a tool to actually raise funds.

So raising donations is always challenging. In these times it’s especially challenging. But I have full trust in our team that will create programs and relevance and attraction that will also be able to raise the donations.

JAG: I wanted to ask as well, in terms of the vision for the institution, one thing that I saw recently, there was a plan that was announced recently about Anu taking part in lawsuits against Hamas. That raised an eyebrow for me. Not that it’s a bad thing, of course, but how does that fit into the museum, into its mission, its work? 

OR: So in the past, the museum really tried not to touch anything that has to do with antisemitism. Why? Because the museum wanted to focus on positive, on a good story, and to differentiate with places who only tell the story of the victim. After Oct. 7, there was a question raised, can we really not deal also with current events? Especially if we want to be the place that every Jew sees his connection to. Maybe this is also a tool that we can combine efforts of all the Jewish people together.

So it’s definitely not a project that Anu is going to file lawsuits, but it was in the vision of creating a coalition that Jews can be a part of. And that definitely stands on the agenda of the Anu Museum, How do we make sure that every Jew feels part of what’s happening here?

So at the moment it’s still in some sort of planning, thinking process, and when things will get moving, then I guess you will hear about it.

JAG: More generally, is the museum looking to take part in activism, to not just educate or reflect reality but to play a more active role? 

OR: I think the interest is [in] being relevant. Understanding that if you’re not relevant, and this building has experienced it already once, you move backwards, you get closed. We don’t want to go through the same experience again. Beit Hatfutsot was built with a specific vision, with a specific idea. Somebody even put it in a very bold manner, they said to me, “The idea behind Beit Hatfutsot was to build an exhibit of the different communities in the Diaspora, with the idea that all the Jews need to make Aliyah, and they will have here some sort of memorial place, and they can come and see what it was like in their communities in the past.”

The museum here was reopened about four years ago with the understanding that this is the most new and the most revolutionary museum in Israel. I can’t stay in the same place even for four years. I need to move forward, and I need to be relevant. How do you make yourself relevant in a reality that building new exhibitions is very expensive? You don’t have that much space to put new exhibitions because the old ones are extremely important, and you don’t want to take them down. You try to think of other ideas, so education is one thing, activism is another thing, journalism is another thing, digital is another thing. And we’re exploring all aspects to carry on being relevant.

Pro-Israel MP Mendicino’s Appointment As Chief Of Staff: A Win For Canadian Jewish Interests

In a development that has stirred debate in some circles, pro-Israel Liberal MP Marco Mendicino is reportedly slated to serve as Chief of Staff for the new Liberal Party leader, Mark Carney. This appointment has raised concerns among groups like the NCCM and CJPME, who argue that it may lead to an imbalanced political agenda. However, prominent pro-Israel voices and Jewish community advocates have dismissed these worries as politically motivated and entirely unfounded.

Mendicino, a well-known advocate for Israel within Canadian politics, has long championed policies that support strong bilateral ties with the Jewish state. His upcoming role as Chief of Staff is being viewed by many as a signal that Canada’s Liberal Party is reinforcing its commitment to defend Israel’s interests—a stance that resonates with the broader Jewish community and pro-Zionist supporters across the country.

“In an era when our alliance with Israel is more critical than ever, having a committed, knowledgeable leader in a key role only strengthens our voice in Ottawa.”

Critics from NCCM and CJPME claim that Mendicino’s appointment could skew policy-making in a way that might marginalize other concerns. Yet, supporters argue that his track record and unwavering pro-Israel stance ensure balanced, informed decision-making. “Marco Mendicino’s appointment is not a threat; it’s a promise,” said one leading community advocate. “In an era when our alliance with Israel is more critical than ever, having a committed, knowledgeable leader in a key role only strengthens our voice in Ottawa.”

Furthermore, Mendicino’s extensive experience in government and his reputation for advocating for Jewish causes have reassured many that this move will result in practical, meaningful outcomes. His appointment is expected to lead to the enhancement of policies that protect Jewish communities, both domestically and internationally, ensuring that Canada remains a steadfast ally of Israel.

For pro-Israel advocates, this political decision is a welcome boost—a clear demonstration that Canada’s leadership is aligned with the values of the Jewish community. As the new Liberal Party leader prepares to assume power, Mendicino’s role as Chief of Staff is seen as a critical asset in navigating complex international issues, including Israel’s security concerns and the fight against rising antisemitism worldwide.

In an era marked by shifting political alliances and intense scrutiny of foreign policy, the appointment of Marco Mendicino signals a strong commitment to pro-Israel principles. It is a move that not only reassures Canadian Jewish communities but also reinforces Canada’s position as a reliable partner in the global fight against antisemitism and in support of Israel’s right to exist securely and peacefully.