Trump is not the only peddler of fake news. The misinformation against Israel costs lives

Our age is one where information is much more openly available and quickly verifiable than ever before. Yet it is also an age when speedily provable untruths are asserted ever more brazenly by leading figures, even in open, democratic societies. They do not seem to mind – or to suffer – when their untruths are exposed.

Donald Trump is the best-known western leader who excels in these methods. This week, he launched one of his notorious Oval Office ambushes. He suddenly confronted president Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa with a film show purporting to prove the “genocide” of South African white farmers.

BBC Verify quickly got to work to demolish Trump’s claims. His “burial site” of “over a thousand” white farmers was actually a line of temporary crosses commemorating the murder of one farming couple. A picture he waved at president Ramaphosa was actually a scene from the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Although Trump is right that white farmers are persecuted and occasionally murdered in South Africa (some fleeing to America), this is nowhere near a genocide and his facts, which the White House surely has the resources to get right, were wildly wrong. The BBC easily established this, and was happy to do so, because it hates Mr Trump.

In the same week, another public figure made another unevidenced claim, on an even more incendiary subject. On Tuesday, the BBC Today programme interviewed Tom Fletcher, a former British diplomat who dislikes Israel even more than do his former employers at the Foreign Office and is therefore a frequent voice on the BBC. Nowadays he is the United Nations “humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator”.

In his Today interview, he strayed way beyond relief coordination and into politics, accusing Israel of using “starvation as a weapon of war”. Grandly, he explained that, when addressing the Security Council, “I weighed with great thought and care what I should say”.

On the BBC, Mr Fletcher weighed nothing carefully at all. He said that if Israel did not let UN food through there were “14,000 babies that will die in the next 48 hours unless we can reach them”.

This was an obviously ridiculous statement. Even if Mr Fletcher were right – which he emphatically is not – that only Israel is to blame for the delay in getting aid through, no one could accurately name such a number in such a timescale.

His words were uttered five days ago. Although some aid did get through this week, if Mr Fletcher had been speaking true, thousands of babies would have starved in Gaza in the past three days. Not one such death has been reported.

The BBC did later probe Mr Fletcher’s assertion and reported what they politely called “more detail” on his claim. He had been relying on a report from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) that it expected 14,100 severe cases of acute malnutrition over the course of a year, should the same level of aid continue.

His enumeration of mass deaths in 48 hours was a wild extrapolation for which he has not apologised and will surely not be punished. By the way, the same IPC whose projections he grossly distorted has admitted that there is currently no famine in Gaza.

The substance of Mr Fletcher’s claim was no more than that the blocking of aid would worsen hunger and suffering in Gaza. We knew that already, and we also know, though Mr Fletcher skirted this point, that the greatest problem with aid is that it is vulnerable to Hamas exploitation. The UN never admits this because its relationship with Hamas is collusive: it is, at root, a political not a humanitarian organisation.

Anyway, the damage was done. In Parliament, 13 MPs supporting the attack on Israel by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, repeated the Fletcher dead baby formula, unrebuked. Tom Gross, the respected monitor of Israel coverage in the media everywhere, noted that the New York Times, NBC News, Time magazine, The Guardian and ABC news all repeated Mr Fletcher’s 48 hours claim, citing the BBC as a reliable source. On Friday, Mr Fletcher’s 14,000 dead babies were still up on the BBC website.

Although admitting the “horrendous level of suffering” in the conflict, Mr Gross also says, “I follow it incredibly closely, and so far as I can tell, no one has yet died of hunger in this conflict”. Yet the times since October 7 2023 that the BBC has run starvation scares about Gazan people are almost uncountable.

You barely hear that Israel’s policy is not to stop the aid but to find more secure ways of distributing it. It is establishing aid delivery via a US-backed group called the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, protected by foreign security guards.

Mr Fletcher probably has an untroubled conscience. He will brush aside his “48 hours” distortion and the BBC will treat him gently because it thinks his heart is in the right place. He may even feel proud of grabbing the headlines.

But in Gaza, more than in any other current conflict, the battle is being fought not only by weapons, but by constant propaganda. The overall effect of this is to dehumanise Israelis and, by extension, all Jews.

The constant use of the word “genocide” to describe Israel’s war is not merely a heartless insult. It is designed to make Jews seem like the Nazi murderers who sought their extinction in the 1940s.

If that propaganda succeeds, two things happen. The first is that, as in 1945, Israel will be made to face a legal reckoning for what will be claimed as war crimes. The rhetoric of Mr Lammy and, indeed, of the joint statement this week by Britain, France and Canada, ramps up the idea that international courts have the authority to punish Israel, and threatens trade and further arms export restrictions. By implication, they see what they call “the Netanyahu government”, as an illegitimate regime, even though it is the only government with democratic legitimacy in the Middle East.

The second effect is on the collective mind of the West. If those in power here half-endorse the suggestion of genocide or, in the case of Mr Fletcher and UN agencies, directly state that Israel is deliberately engendering starvation, then officialdom endorses the logic of extremism.

If Israel is killing babies, say angry, radicalised young men, let’s kill the baby-killers.

In Washington DC on Thursday, a young Israeli couple, engaged to be married, were murdered in the name of Free Palestine. The man arrested is said to be a member of the Party for Socialism and Liberation of the United States. His extreme anti-Israel ideology was the gateway to his actions. If we judge by the slogans shouted in the pro-Gaza marches in Britain, many are passing through the same gateway here.

For Labour, in particular, such people, chiefly Muslims, are a significant part of its constituency.

The party will pay a high price in civil unrest and terrorism for feeding their delusions.

In a lecture this week at Policy Exchange, the independent reviewer of terrorism legislation, Jonathan Hall KC, tried to revive official interest in the concept of subversion, which our intelligence services took so seriously during the Cold War.

At much the same time, in France, the interior minister, Bruno Retailleau, newly elected leader of his party, has succeeded in declassifying his government’s internal report on subversion by the Muslim Brotherhood – the global organisation of which Hamas is a part – in his country.

We have never managed the equivalent here, preferring the vapourings of people like Mr Fletcher.

The pogrom comes to Washington

Tape with "Crime Scene do not cross" written on it. Original public domain image from Wikimedia Commons

Two Israeli embassy staffers gunned down in the prime of their lives. Young lovers shot to death for the ‘crime’ of taking pride in Jewish heritage. He had bought a ring and was planning to propose to her next week in Jerusalem, the capital of the Jewish people’s homeland. We need to speak frankly about the vile slaying of Sarah Lynn Milgrim and Yaron Lischinsky in Washington, DC last night. It was, in President Trump’s words, ‘obviously based on anti-Semitism’. It was an act of racist savagery that speaks to the anti-civilisational delirium that pumps in the veins of Israelophobia. It was the pogrom come to Washington.

Ms Milgrim and Mr Lischinsky were staff members at the Israeli Embassy in DC. Last night, they were shot dead as they left an event at the Capital Jewish Museum. It was a cocktail-fuelled reception for ‘young diplomats’ aimed at ‘fostering unity and celebrating Jewish heritage’. The suspect in this sick crime was reportedly wearing a keffiyeh. ‘Free Palestine’, he hollered as he allegedly put bullets into the embassy staffers. ‘Globalise the intifada’, the drones of the Israelophobic mob have been shouting since Hamas’s pogrom of 7 October 2023. Well, here it is, being globalised: Hamas-style savagery in the beating heart of the Western world.

America’s politicians are not mincing their words. This was a ‘deadly act of anti-Semitic violence’, says Hakeem Jeffries, the Democratic leader in the House of Representatives. It’s hard to see what else it could be. If you lurk with a gun outside an event at a Jewish museum devoted to celebrating Jewish heritage, and callously butcher those who come out, it’s pretty clear what your motives are. That the suspect was allegedly wearing a keffiyeh and yelling about Gaza is not surprising: Jew hate comes gussied up in the Palestine colours these days. The fascist imagination disguises itself in faux-progressive talk about Palestine.

We await more information about the suspect. It remains to be seen if he worked alone or with others. So far as we know, one man bears responsibility for this savage act: the person who pulled the trigger. But it would be wrong, catastrophic in fact, to overlook the context in which this crime against the Jewish people unfolded. We cannot close our ears to the mood music in our societies – the screeching surround sound, in fact – that at the very least makes outrages like this one that bit more likely. We are living through the most ruthless, most relentless demonisation of the Jewish State in the entire 77 years of its existence. And it is hard to see last night’s double slaughter as anything other than the militarisation of that fashionable spite, the armed wing of a loathing for Israel that long ago crossed the line from political critique into neo-medieval hysteria.

Ours is a world in which the Jewish nation is continually damned as ‘uniquely murderous’. As barbarous beyond belief. As a pox on humanity. As so wicked it deserves violent erasure, ‘from the river to the sea’. Zionists ‘don’t deserve to live’, activists say. Jews can fuck off ‘back to Poland’, agitators cry. Week after week, the self-righteous beat the streets to libel Israel as a baby-killing machine. Just this week we were told – falsely – that this most bloodlusting state would gleefully oversee the death by starvation of 14,000 babies in 48 hours. Can we really be surprised if in the midst of such hysteria, in the frenzy of these daily defamations, some come to see Israel’s diplomats as demonic and deserving of the ultimate punishment?

An undertone, and very often an overtone, of threat and menace attends today’s orgies of Israelophobia. Activists praise Hamas’s acts of ‘resistance’, essentially dolling up neo-fascism as national liberation. People make excuses for the slaughter of 7 October. Some called it a ‘day of celebration’. Cosplaying as Palestinian militants has become all the rage on Anglo American campuses. ‘Intifada until victory!’, radicals cried in the aftermath of an ‘intifada’ that entailed the rape and murder of hundreds of Jews. Can we really be surprised if in the swirl of such savage urges, in this storm of praise for a pogrom, someone decides to become a one-man ‘intifada’? To bring home to DC some of that ‘glorious resistance’ against the demonic Zionist entity?

This is not to say that the activists and commentators who’ve been defaming Israel and suicidally cosying up to Islamism bear responsibility for last night’s gross crime. They might be lowlife motormouths but they have not killed anyone. It is essential to liberty that we conscientiously man the distinction between words and actions. And yet it would be a deadly folly to ignore the culture of intolerance and outright bigotry that has been stirred up by the myopic animus for the world’s only Jewish nation. Overlooking the cultural setting to last night’s barbarism would be as wrongheaded as ignoring the architecture of hate in which young Emmett Till’s life was extinguished in 1955. Unhinged hatreds birth unhinged behaviour.

Indeed, this act of violence does not stand alone. Since Hamas’s pogrom we’ve seen synagogues in the West attacked, Jews’ homes vandalised, Jewish students roughed up. Anti-Semitic abuse and assaults have spiked. It seems to me that what happened in DC last night was not a break from the post-7 October moment but a continuation of it, a raising of it to a grim new level, an intensification of the sheer unreason that has been unleashed these past 18 months. This is the globalisation of Hamas’s pogrom, a murderous assault not only on Jewish citizens and Israeli embassy staffers but also on our civilisation itself. If this fascistic killing does not open people’s eyes to the moral crisis of the 21st-century West, I fear nothing will.

Brendan O’Neill is spiked’s chief political writer and host of the spiked podcast, The Brendan O’Neill Show. Subscribe to the podcast here. His new book – After the Pogrom: 7 October, Israel and the Crisis of Civilisation – is available to order on Amazon UK and Amazon US now. And find Brendan on Instagram: @burntoakboy

Israel deserves support, not scorn, as it confronts a savage Nazi-like terror group

Perhaps you missed it on the BBC News at Ten: over the past few days now, tens of thousands of Gazans have reportedly been taking to the streets to protest against Hamas. They are risking their lives in doing so, calling for the removal of the terrorist group from power. By contrast, and equally absent from our newsfeeds, is the fact that Hamas has been busy praising foreign-policy decisions being made in London, Paris and Ottawa.

Like many in Gaza, and around the world, Israelis desperately want a different future. One that is free from Hamas and one in which our 58 remaining hostages are home in Israel, reunited with their families or, as would tragically be the case for many, afforded a proper burial. We desperately want to live in peace with our neighbours, but the presence and ongoing attacks from genocidal terror groups on our border causes such a peace to remain elusive. I am sure that no Briton would accept an Islamist terror group operating on its border, sworn to destroy the UK.

In this war, there is no perfect scenario. We are tasked with solving a number of complex and interrelated issues: our moral obligation to return our 58 Israeli hostages, dismantling the terror threat of Hamas, ensuring the security of Israeli citizens and facilitating transfers of humanitarian aid to Gazans while making sure that aid does not go to Hamas. We are having to make these decisions based on the fact that Hamas chose to carry out the deadliest attack on Jewish people since the Holocaust and take 251 of our people hostage, torturing them in inhumane conditions.

I remind you that there was a ceasefire in place on October 6 2023 – a ceasefire that was brutally breached by Hamas. We now live in a post October 7 reality, and that means we can not allow Hamas to continue its control of Gaza. For our security, we need to see Gaza de-militarised; no one can expect us to simply wait for another October 7. Unsurprisingly, volunteers to carry out this process of demilitarisation in Gaza have been lacking, so it falls on us. That being said, I’d suggest that the lack of opposition to this in our region should be interpreted as tacit support – no one wants armed, Jihadi extremists operating on, or near, their border. All Western leaders agree that Hamas must not remain in power but we find a gap between rhetoric and actions in Europe. When it comes to it, no viable plan that takes seriously our security concerns have been proposed.

It can not be overstated that our enemy is specifically Hamas. That is why it is all the more tragic that Hamas has created an industry from the aid that it diverts from those who need it. Its strategy is steal it, sell it and use it to recruit new terrorists, pay their salaries and continue launching attacks against our people. The evidence of Hamas looting aid from international organisations, some of which has been paid for by donor countries including the UK, is overwhelming: whether it’s the plethora of videos on social media of armed Hamas terrorists directing aid lorries and shooting at ordinary Palestinians, or the testimony given at the UN Security Council by former hostage Eli Sharabi, who said he saw terrorists steal UN aid and “eat like kings”. Indeed, there’s more: a recent editorial in the Wall Street Journal noted that Hamas has “pilfered aid” and even the leader of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas, has criticised “the looting and theft carried out by criminal gangs targeting warehouses and storage facilities of humanitarian aid [in Gaza]”.

It is for this reason that we have collaborated with American companies to improve the mechanism for aid delivery in Gaza. A new framework where the real loser becomes Hamas and not the Palestinian people. As we continue the facilitation of hundreds of trucks of aid, in a few days, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) will be operational and will be able to deliver aid to the Gazans who actually need it, bypassing Hamas and organisations that have been compromised, like UNRWA. The GHF will provide aid directly to Palestinian families. Alongside the US, we have been trying to find solutions to this fundamental issue so that Palestinians who need aid, get it. We fully support this plan and hope the UK, and others, will do too.

In the UK, we see an ally that successfully defeated Nazism in its ultimate fight against evil during the Second World War. The war took time and the British had to make many difficult decisions. Indeed, the civilian death toll in Nazi Germany was significant, notably in Dresden and Berlin. Israel today faces that very same evil and yet we are going to great lengths in order to minimise civilian casualties, warning them before attacks, making phone calls, dropping leaflets and sending text messages, notifying Gazans of specific areas to avoid. But we are fighting against a terror entity that uses civilians as human shields and hides behind them.

No one seems to ask: what was Hamas leader Mohammed Sinwar doing in a tunnel underneath a hospital? Or what was the architect of the October 7 massacre, Mohammed Deif, doing in the designated humanitarian zone? I’d suggest that these are pertinent questions that the whole international community, journalists and politicians alike must be asking. Every innocent loss of life is a tragedy, but this tragedy was created and orchestrated by Hamas. Rightly, the Allied victory over Nazism is viewed as an historic example of good overcoming evil. We too have no choice but to defeat that evil once again.


Tzipi Hotovely is Israel’s Ambassador to the UK

The Legacy of Eli Cohen – and Implications for Israel-Syria Relations Today

In the aftermath of President Trump’s meeting with Syria’s President Ahmed Hussein al-Sharaa, as of this writing, there are rumors of the imminent return of Israeli hero Eli Cohen’s remains — close to the day of his execution 60 years ago.

The story of Eli Cohen’s life deserves to be remembered — even if he had never gone undercover in Syria.

When Eli Cohen was publicly executed by the Syrian government on May 18, 1965, it was already clear to both Israelis and Syrians that he had succeeded in befriending the Syrian president and had penetrated the highest levels of the Syrian regime. What was not yet known, however, was that he had gathered the intelligence that would later help save the State of Israel from destruction.

Perhaps more than any other individual, Eli Cohen — an Egyptian-born Jew — earned the Mossad its reputation as one of the world’s most formidable intelligence services. His work paved the way for Israel’s success on the Golan Heights during the Six-Day War in June 1967.

As a young man in Cairo, Cohen was deeply moved by the 1944 trial of two members of the Stern Group (LEHI), Eliahu Bet-Zouri and Eliahu Hakim. These two had assassinated the antisemitic British High Commissioner for the Middle East, Lord Moyne.

Cohen helped organize demonstrations in support of Bet-Zouri and Hakim. Though the protests proved fruitless — the men were hanged — on the scaffold, they maintained their dignity and sang the Zionist anthem, Hatikvah. It is said that Cohen later drew strength from their example as he, too, faced execution.

Cohen played a key role in establishing an “underground railroad” that smuggled Egyptian Jews to Israel. In the early 1950s, he was recruited by the Mossad to help monitor ex-Nazi scientists working for Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser on rocket development. Cohen reportedly also took part in sabotage operations.

After this Mossad network was exposed and many members were arrested, Cohen moved to Israel in 1956. Following a brief adjustment period and service in the Israel Defense Forces, Cohen was offered a role as an intelligence analyst for the Mossad.

Eventually, he was approved for field duty.

Assuming the identity of Kamal Amin Taabet, a wealthy Arab merchant who had emigrated to Argentina and then returned to Syria, Cohen infiltrated the highest echelons of Damascus society. He joined the Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party, and became close with many of its rising leaders.

After the Ba’ath Party came to power in a coup, many of Cohen’s acquaintances became high-ranking government and military officials, including intelligence chief Colonel Ahmad Suweidani and President Amin al-Hafiz.

As Taabet, Cohen was one of the few civilians ever permitted to tour Syrian military installations on the Golan Heights. He transmitted photographs and sketches of the entire Syrian front to the Mossad. In one instance, he even alerted Israel to an imminent attempt by Syrian commandos to cross the border.

Beyond intelligence gathering, Cohen was tasked with assassinating escaped Nazi war criminal Franz Rademacher, then living in a Syrian colony of former Nazis. That 1962 attempt failed. Cohen also participated in efforts to target Alois Brunner, Adolf Eichmann’s top aide, who had also found sanctuary in Syria. This dark chapter of Syrian history deserves renewed attention: even before the rise of the Assad regime, Syria’s government hated Jews enough to shelter Nazi war criminals. The famed Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal called Brunner “doubtless the worst … living criminal of the Third Reich” in 1988.

Cohen was ultimately discovered by chance, when his radio transmissions were detected by Soviet KGB agents operating in Damascus. At the time, he was reportedly being considered for a senior government post.

After two trials, Cohen was sentenced to death by hanging. He was 40 years old. He left behind a widow, three daughters, and a son. In his final letter to his wife, he wrote: “I beg of you not to waste time crying for me. Always think of the future.”

Cohen also left behind a warning to Israel’s future leaders: “Against the Arab you mustn’t defend yourself. You must attack.”

Cohen gave his life to ensure that the Syrian threat from the Golan could be neutralized.

Israel is now facing criticism for its continued presence on Mount Hermon, the highest strategic point in the Golan, since the IDF’s deployment there in December. Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz stated in February 2025 that the IDF would remain in the area “for an indefinite period of time to protect our communities and thwart any threat.”

Katz is correct.

Future threats are not hypothetical.

There’s no way to know how long the fragile interim government of Ahmed Hussein al-Sharaa will remain in power — let alone whether it will return to peace negotiations or collapse into chaos.

Let’s remember: the only thing that stood between Israel and Hafez al-Assad’s chemical weapons was the Golan Heights. The same remained true for his son, the deposed dictator Bashar al-Assad. Had Israel caved to international pressure, the Assads would have seized the Golan — and their weapons, including poison gas, would be aimed at the families of Israel’s Galilee, Jews and Arabs alike.

The Israeli government owes it to Eli Cohen not only to bring his remains home for reburial, but also to maintain a vigilant posture to limit threats from Syria — now and in the future.

Moshe Phillips is national chairman of Americans For A Safe Israel, AFSI,  (www.AFSI.org), a leading pro-Israel advocacy and education organization.

Israel is still the world’s scapegoat

Is Israel really orchestrating a mass famine in Gaza? That is one of the charges currently being investigated by both the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Ever since South Africa accused Israel of committing a genocide against Gazans in December 2023, Israel and its leaders have come under intense scrutiny from these international bodies, particularly in regards to the blockade of food and aid.

It is telling that Israel is the first and only country to have been charged with the war crime of starvation. Naturally, blockades of food and other forms of aid are and have been common throughout the history of warfare. This raises two obvious questions. First, do the accusations stand up? And second, why is Israel being singled out for punishment?

These are certainly serious claims. Earlier this week, Tom Fletcher, who is in charge of the United Nations’ relief operation in Gaza, claimed that 14,000 babies could die in Gaza in the next 48 hours if aid did not reach them. The week before that, Fletcher made a speech excoriating Israel at the UN Security Council. ‘Every single one of the 2.1million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip face the risk of famine’, he said. ‘One in five faces starvation.’ Throughout Israel’s war on Hamas since 7 October 2023, humanitarian agencies have warned of the risk of famine. In recent weeks this aspect of Israel’s supposed ‘genocide’ has particularly come to the fore. The reality is that, so far at least, it remains a ‘risk’ only.

There is no doubt that the war has, as wars do, brought hardship, danger and bloodshed to the people of Gaza. But Israel has made sure that, despite various periods of blockade, enough aid has gone into the region to prevent starvation. There is even a current plan for Israel to deliver aid directly to Gaza. Ironically, this plan is being blocked by the UN itself, which likely resents being left out of the aid-distribution process. The UN’s controversial United Nations Works and Relief Agency (UNRWA) had previously been administering aid there, but was banned by Israel after it emerged that some of its staff members had taken part in the 7 October massacre.

It is also worth noting that the world seems to have forgotten about the countless other famines that have been occurring elsewhere. Last week, US president Donald Trump announced the end of 13 years of sanctions against Syria. These sanctions – which were backed by the EU, UK, Canada and Australia among others – have had a devastating impact on the Syrian people. By 2024, according to the World Food Programme: ‘A total of 9.1million people are food insecure. Both maternal malnutrition and acute malnutrition in children under five are at global emergency thresholds.’

It is generally accepted that Western economic sanctions, alongside the impact of civil war, worsened living conditions for Syrian civilians to the point of starvation. Yet where were the calls to put the US, the EU, the UK or anybody else in the dock for the consequences of their actions? Instead, the international community has congratulated itself on its role in bringing down the Assad regime.

So why has Israel been singled out by the ICC and the ICJ, as it battles to cripple the terrorist Hamas regime in Gaza? For starters, Israel is seen as an easy target for these international bodies – a kind of ‘low-hanging fruit’. This is largely because Western opinion has already cast it in the role of the villain in its conflict with Hamas. In the broader international arena, Israel is seen as the archetypal wrongdoer.

Of course, the reality is very different. Israel is the only democracy in the turbulent Middle East. It is also the only Jewish state in the world. It is currently engaged in a war against an anti-Semitic enemy that wishes to wipe it off the map. Israel is not a ‘colonial’ or genocidal oppressor, as is so often claimed, but a country marked by its own tragic history of invasion, violence and suffering. Yet with few sympathisers left on the world stage, Israel ends up being the convenient focal point for global indignation.

That is not the end of the story. The ICC’s aggressive stance against Israel is also a sign of deeper troubles among international institutions. In the era following the Second World War, a network of progressive lawyers, non-governmental organisations and activists – often working through the UN – set out to champion universal rules of warfare. Their goal was to dismantle the traditional notion of state sovereignty in favour of global accountability. However, that postwar consensus is now unravelling. Even the US, once a pillar of that world order, has resorted to sanctioning the ICC, claiming it plays favourites against both the US and Israel.

In fact, from the beginning, the ICC has struggled to earn universal support. While it was established as a guardian of international justice, major powers such as the US, China, India and Russia never signed up to it. Hungary has also recently signalled its discontent by removing itself from the ICC after a visit from Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

At their core, projects like the ICC and ICJ are a globalist challenge to national sovereignty and are deeply undemocratic. Laws gain moral authority from being passed by elected representatives of the people – something that international tribunals simply cannot replicate. Without democratic backing, these institutions too often fall prey to political agendas, rather than serving as unbiased arbiters of justice.

Against this backdrop, the prosecution of Israel has transformed into a high-stakes test for the credibility of bodies like the ICC and ICJ. This could be seen playing out at the ICJ hearing against Israel in The Hague last month. While lambasting Israel’s actions against Gaza and the UN, Palestinian counsel Blinne Ní Ghrálaigh urged the court to reassert the moral compass of the UN Charter. She warned that the international order was crumbling and expressed the ‘continuing desperate hope that international law might finally prevail’.

We should hope that these organisations continue to lose their clout. Then they will no longer be able to unjustly target a sovereign state like Israel for exercising its right to self-defence. The collapse of these hollow institutions cannot come soon enough.

Rob Killick is a London-based writer. His Substack, Civilisation or Barbarism, is at rkillick.substack.com

Dr. Phil & Israel’s UN Ambassador Talk DC Anti-Semitic Shooting

Earlier today, Dr. Phil spoke with Danny Danon, Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, on MeritTV about the tragic deaths of Israeli Embassy staffers Yaron Lichinsky and Sarah Milgrim. The shooting took place on Wednesday outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C. What was meant to be a night of diplomacy ended in tragedy.

During the segment, Dr. Phil asked Ambassador Danon what he had learned about the attack. Danon replied, “he waited for them, he ambushed them, and he murdered them.”

Dr. Phil also emphasized that the attack was indiscriminate as Sarah Milgrim had no connection to the war effort. The ambassador responded, “it was an attack against American values.”

Dr. Phil will further address the Anti-Semitic shooting in Washington, D.C., on his podcast The Real Story.

Watch The Real Story from MeritTV here –  Link

Tlaib Vilifies Israel in Resolution to Recognize the Nakba

A clause in U.S. House Resolution 409, Recognizing the Nakba and Palestinian Refugees’ Rights, urges Congress to “reject bigoted efforts to question, dismiss, or otherwise deny the existence of Palestinians and their humanity.”

Palestinians and their humanity? Such as those 6,000 Palestinians who beheaded, burned, shot, blew up, mutilated bodies and raped almost 1,200 Israelis in 21 communities in southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023? Or shooting to death a 37-year-old Israeli woman last week on a drive to the hospital – to deliver her baby in the West Bank?

U.S. Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Michigan) inserted this “humanity” phrasing into a resolution she re-introduced last Wednesday to recognize the 77th anniversary of the Arab world’s “Nakba” on May 15, 1948, when the modern state of Israel was formed and its people resisted a massive invasion by five Arab countries.

The bill states that “Nakba” means “catastrophe.” It was a Nakba that left Arab forces defeated and thousands of Arab villagers out in the cold. That is, the Arabs refused to compromise and share the land, mounted an overwhelming military strike and ended up with 22 percent of the land that they expected to control.

Tlaib, a Democrat who represents parts of Detroit and its suburbs, wants America to recognize Nakba Day through this House resolution.

Americans should readily identify because of our own Nakba days: Aug. 24, 1814 (burning down the White House); April 14-15 (President Lincoln’s assassination); Dec. 7, 1941 (Pearl Harbor); Sept. 11, 2001 (the Twin Towers); and, lest we forget, Nov. 6, 2018 – the day Rashida Tlaib was first elected to Congress.

Tlaib claims in a news release that Israel is furthering the Nakba by “carry(ing) out genocide in Gaza. It is a campaign to erase Palestinians from existence.”

She justified her arguments with the most sordid lies that revise the course of modern history borrowed from the dog-ate-my-homework department. It was all Israel’s fault, the bill emphasizes, not that it should surprise anyone.

“Whereas, almost immediately following the passage of the United Nations partition plan,” the proposed resolution states, “Zionist militias began a deliberate and systematic effort to expel Palestinians from their lands, a campaign which included massacres and other atrocities against civilian populations;

“Whereas, before the state of Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948, between 250,000 to 300,000 Palestinian refugees had already been forcibly expelled or fled from their homes, often following attacks by Zionist militias on major Palestinian cities and villages.”

The Jewish Virtual Library offers a far different take: “The Palestinians left their homes for a variety of reasons. Thousands of wealthy Arabs left in anticipation of a war, and thousands more responded to Arab leaders’ call to get out of the way of the advancing armies; a handful was expelled, but most fled to avoid being caught in the crossfire of a war.”

Three-quarters of a century later, it is still not fully clear what happened, but the signs heavily point to the library’s version. One columnist for The Philadelphia Inquirer once charged, with no attribution, that Israel expelled most of the Palestinians. The Inquirer writer specified 80 percent with no explanation where she got this figure.

The bill contends that the United Nations directed that Palestinians “wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors” should be allowed to do that, and that the U.N. resolution is based on Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which says: “Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.”

Why should Israel allow them to return? Many of these so-called refugees colluded with their leaders in 1948 when they voluntarily fled Israel to make way for the Arab armies to attack Israel and wipe out the Jews. They believed they would return to lands free of Jews.

These Arabs deliberately chose the side that plotted another Holocaust three years after Nazi Germany completed its slaughter of 6 million Jews.

Instead, they were spread out among various Arab countries left to rely on the mercy of their rulers and people. These refugees were left high and dry and usually mistreated by their new neighbors.

Contrary to the bill’s language, they never left “any country.” It had not been a country of its own since many Jews fled or were expelled two millennia ago. Plus, how can anyone expect them to “live at peace” after cooperating with the Arab armies?

Two House members linked to the Philadelphia region are among the eight Democratic co-sponsors. Rep. Bonnie Watson Coleman, who represents Trenton and Princeton, N.J., has among her constituents a sizeable Jewish population. Rep. Summer Lee of Pittsburgh represents the heavily Jewish community of Squirrel Hill.

The other co-sponsors are Rep. Lateefah Simon (Oakland and Berkeley outside San Francisco), progressive faction leader Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (the Bronx and Queens), Ilhan Omar (Minneapolis), Ayanna Pressley (Boston), Delia Ramirez (Chicago and its suburbs) and Andre Carson (Indiana).

A rogue’s gallery of pro-Palestinian groups has endorsed the resolution, including Jewish Voice for Peace Action, American Friends Service Committee, the Muslim Public Affairs Council and Mennonite Action. Also, the curiously-named Gen-Z for Change and Busboys and Poets.

The resolution is right when it states: “Protracted refugee situations are the result of the failure to find political solutions to their underlying political crises.”

Arabs consistently reject “political solutions,” so what are they talking about? Until they heed their own advice, the Nabka will never end.
*
Bruce S. Ticker is a Philadelphia-based columnist.

Shabbos Kestenbaum: Why I Sued Harvard | Stories of Us | PragerU

Shabbos Kestenbaum grew up a proud Jew and a proud American—never seeing a conflict between the two. A former progressive and social justice advocate, he entered Harvard Divinity School expecting open-mindedness. Instead, he found hostility toward Jews, radical leftist ideology, and institutional silence in the face of rising antisemitism. After October 7, he was harassed, threatened, and ignored—simply for being Jewish. Shabbos filed a civil rights lawsuit against Harvard and began rethinking everything he’d been taught about politics, identity, and what it truly means to stand for justice.

A Grand Syria-Gaza Bargain

The Trump administration hopes it can move hundreds of thousands of Palestinians out of Gaza and revive some version of the Peace for Prosperity plan. However, by allowing Israel to pursue resettlement in Syria, Washington risks destabilizing the government in Damascus and a return to civil war. This is precisely the kind of messy, complicated, protracted initiative that the White House would like to avoid, and it is indicative of the policy differences emerging between the United States and Israel.

The Problem in Gaza

The White House has made no secret of the fact that it would like to see the removal of Palestinians from Gaza, which would allow for the reconstruction of the strip before some refugees can be vetted for return. It is in line with the plans of the first Trump administration for a more integral approach to Israel’s relationship with the territories—something that adheres to a normalized legal and economic framework while falling short of full Palestinian statehood, bringing security and stability to the region along with a possible Nobel Peace Prize for the president. This vision for peace has been shaped by politicians on the Center-Right in Israel, who have sought to address the realities on the ground while accommodating the doubts and fears of a majority of the Israeli public.

There is a convergence of U.S. and Israeli interests in finding a resolution to an otherwise intractable situation in which the Israeli and Palestinian publics are worlds apart on the future of peace and security. Accordingly, there are reports the Israeli government is seeking to convince various nations in Africa to accept Palestinians, including South Sudan and Somalia.

The vast majority of the strip is already destroyed, and even if the cost of reconstruction is easily within reach for a coalition of partners, no one is willing to rebuild under the current conditions. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich predicts that within six months, Gaza’s inhabitants will be crammed into a tiny piece of land along the Egyptian border, where they “will be totally despairing…looking for relocation to begin a new life in other places.” At this pace, he may be right.

Journalists and other pundits have long speculated that Israel has no plans for after the war. They criticize the Jewish state for preferring a permanent occupation that would allow a return to settlement construction or an endless war to delay elections and criminal investigations. It is true that a lot of the plans that have emerged from outside observers either seem to pass on responsibility for governance to others or overlook the harsh realities on the ground, such as the fact that any local authority empowered by Israel to govern will face targeted assassinations by Hamas. However, saying Israel has no strategy and implying that policymakers are simply indulging their worst impulses for brutality is wrong, and it ignores the substantial amount of planning the Israeli government has demonstrated since October 8.

It is, instead, necessary to look at Syria to see how Israel is shaping the environment to create the necessary conditions for resolving the situation in Gaza. The Israeli military has said it will occupy Mount Hermon and the expanded security zone around Quneitra indefinitely. Netanyahu has allowed historic visits of Syrian Druze religious leaders to Israel and the medical treatment of Syrian Druze in Israeli hospitals. He has courted the Syrian Kurds with offers of assistance at a time when Kurds are calling for decentralization and regional autonomy.

Again, there is a convergence of U.S. and Israeli interests. Both are justified in their concerns that the new regime in Damascus is a wolf in sheep’s clothing that could later revert to a terrorist state. There is a reluctance to trust a group of former terrorist fighters and a desire to see concrete progress from Ahmed al-Shara on a number of fronts. Israel has control over a considerable number of pressure points from which it can apply leverage against Damascus, presumably directed at some strategic endpoint, and unilateral U.S. rapprochement would surely undermine that.

However, President Trump’s announcement that the United States would ease sanctions on Syria and his decision to meet with Shara in Saudi Arabia suggests that the administration is ready to proceed with the next steps for Damascus, with or without Israel. The recent Israeli-Turkish talks in Azerbaijan and the reported indirect Israeli-Syrian talks were probably encouraged by Washington as a way to get everyone on the same page and moving forward. The White House wants to push ahead with quick foreign policy wins that have tangible benefits, not strategic maneuvering with uncertain outcomes, even if that means sidestepping Israel in favor of outsourcing Middle East policy to Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

The Grand Bargain

It appears quite probable that the Israeli government is leaving open the option of striking a deal with Shara. Israeli efforts to publicize its actions and intentions in Syria through senior official speeches and press statements indicate a desire to message other regional parties that there are chips Israel might be willing to cash in. The deal would be Israeli military withdrawal from parts of southern Syria, toning down the level of direct contact with ethnic and religious minorities, a mode of accommodation with Turkey, and a green light to Washington to restore full diplomatic relations, all in exchange for Syria welcoming in hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees from Gaza.

It would not be the first time that Syria has welcomed large numbers of Palestinian refugees. The UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) claims to support 438,000 Palestinians in Syria today. The vast majority live in poverty, though at least prior to the Syrian Civil War, most experienced better conditions than their peers in many other parts of the region. Yet, this prospect of an Israeli deal with Syria over Gaza is being treated with serious concern in the Gulf. On my last visit to the Arab Gulf states in late April, I had several friends express fears of such an arrangement.

Syria is still a war-torn country with few places for refugees to live, especially now that European governments are halting asylum applications for Syrians and there are growing pressures for many of them to return home. Regional partners that have openly voiced their financial and diplomatic support for the transitional government in Damascus, such as Saudi Arabia, would come under sharp public pressure to denounce the move and the Syrian government along with it. It would enflame tensions among communities in Syria that are already struggling over access to scarce resources and a role in the new government. The only thing that might help minimize the potential for conflict would be strong Turkish support with financial assistance and positive media messaging.

The question is whether the White House is aware that the transfer of large portions of the Palestinian population could create significant instability elsewhere and that Washington may have to intervene to prevent or mitigate the impact of regional conflict. Senior U.S. officials are probably hoping the Israelis and Turks can work out their differences and reach an accommodation that allows America to keep its distance from the looming problems in Syria.

However, neither of those parties might be prepared to deal with the worst-case scenario of a renewed Syrian civil war. If Trump hitches U.S. policy to the bandwagon of Israeli ambitions in the Middle East, he might be sacrificing practicality and pragmatism for an overly optimistic view of a new regional order.

About the Author: Joshua Yaphe:

Joshua Yaphe is a Senior Fellow at the Center for the National Interest (CFTNI) in Washington, DC, and a Dean’s Fellow at Dickinson College. He previously served as the Senior Analyst for the Arabian Peninsula at the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) and a visiting faculty member of the National Intelligence University (NIU). He has a Ph.D. from American University and is the author of the book Saudi Arabia and Iraq as Friends and Enemies: Borders, Tribes and a History Shared. The opinions and characterizations in this piece are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the U.S. Government.