Monday, November 18, 2024
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Inquisition at the UN

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Antonio Guterres is Secretary General of the United Nations. His public response to the Hamas Oct 7 Atrocity was to justify the slaughter of Israelis by reciting a stream of pitiful excuses and outrageous explanations.

Unfortunately, the Secretary General is accurately stating the anti-Israeli view of most of the member countries of the organization that he heads.

At the UN the Jewish State faces a new inquisition, and Antonio Guterres is its Inquisitor General.

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The Day After Tomorrow

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I teach film, among other things, and there is a film that comes to mind while assessing the current situation in Israel.

It is the 1996 American science fiction action film Independence Day. In the aftermath of a worldwide attack by aliens, one of them is captured. I think the most important exchange is the one that the president of the United States has with the alien. It has resonated with me many times.

Frustrated, getting nowhere with negotiations, the president asks the alien, “What do you want us to do?” The alien rasps out, honestly: “Die!”

This is what Hamas and other terrorist organizations, and Iran, have been telling us for years. They want us to die. Not give them land. (We’ve tried that.) Not give them jobs. (Ditto) Not treat them in our hospitals. (Double ditto.) None of that is good enough. They simply want us – all Jews everywhere – to die.

And, to borrow the title of another film, what will happen the day after tomorrow?

Dr. Guy Bechor is one of the few addressing that question.

Bechor, LL.B. MA, Ph.D, was the head of the Middle Eastern Studies Division of the Lauder School of Government, Strategy and Diplomacy at the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya, Israel, and a visiting fellow at the School of Law, the Islamic Legal Studies Program, Harvard University. He is the author or co-author of three books relating to Islamic law and society.[1]

On Oct. 11, he wrote on his Facebook page [My translation – TKG]: “The Americans are preparing for the return of Mahmoud Abbas and his gang to rule Gaza, and the intentions to establish an independent state in Judea and Samaria and Gaza are expected to return. Tomorrow [October 12], U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken will meet with Mahmoud Abbas in Jordan.

“This is how it will unfold — that the IDF soldiers will fight to liberate Gaza, for Abu Mazen [another name for Mahmoud Abbas]. We can fight against Hamas, and the West is behind us. We cannot fight against diplomatic initiatives, and the same West will be against us. The return of Mahmoud Abbas under the auspices of diplomatic initiatives is the most serious situation of all.”

He adds the following day, “…Abbas is ready, only if he receives a state on the West Bank and Gaza, as well as a port and an airport. A video shows Blinken meeting with terrorist supporter Mahmoud Abbas, in Jordan, with the enemy’s flag in the background. What a shame, what an insult.

“Will the IDF soldiers fight and pay the heaviest prices to return Mahmoud Abbas to Gaza? In this case the damage to Israel will be many times greater than the rule of Hamas, we will not be able to exist. Please, share the warning.”

According to Israeli officials, what will the post-war scenario be?

“We’ve had all kinds of end games,” Brigadier General Daniel Hagari told media during a news briefing, in response to a question about whether Israel’s military planned to stay and govern Gaza after its ground invasion. (Jerusalem Post) He also said it would be a “global issue” for discussion by Israel’s politicians and with other countries.

Will the Israeli government be lured by the current warm and fuzzy support Biden and Blinken to hand over Gaza to the PA and Abbas once Hamas is decimated?

A Times of Israel reporter says that, according to one American official, Israel is being pressured to come up with a plan after the war.

If that “plan” includes the PA or Abbas, it will be a disaster. The PA and Mahmoud Abbas have continued to glorify perpetrators of the most horrific terror attacks, even before this current war with Hamas, and there has been no resounding condemnation of the latest atrocities. Even his pareve “critique” of the latest massacre was backtracked. How fitting that his doctorate was on the denial of the Holocaust. Even the left-wing Haaretz newspaper wrote as recently as a month ago (published, symbolically, on September 11): “Mahmoud Abbas: Once an Antisemitic Holocaust Denier, Always an Antisemitic Holocaust Denier.”

Most worrying is that on the official White House website, a conversation is reported between President Biden and Abbas, that includes paragraphs which sound like a veiled reference to what Biden has in mind:

“President Abbas briefed President Biden on his engagement in the region and his efforts to bring urgently needed humanitarian assistance to Palestinian people, particularly in Gaza. President Biden offered President Abbas and the Palestinian Authority his full support for these important and ongoing efforts…President Biden detailed U.S. efforts to coordinate with partners to prevent the conflict from widening, and the two leaders discussed the need to preserve stability in the West Bank and the broader region.”

What exactly did the “two leaders” discuss regarding how to “preserve stability?”

 

The PA legacy and Pay for Slay

David Bedein is the director, since 1987, of the Israel Resource News Agency at the Nahum Bedein Center for Near East Policy Research. (On the web: UNRWA-monitor.com, www.cfnepr.com, israelbehindthenews.com.) He says, “The PLO never ratified the Oslo accords and never revoked its charter to liquidate the state of Israel.

“PA payments for murder began as the PA commenced in May 1994 and enacted a formal law in this respect in August 2015.” Bedein’s center sent an Arab journalist to the PA to get a copy of the law, which he subsequently publicized in the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.

He adds, “No country demands that the PA repeal the unprecedented law which mandates a salary for life for anyone who murders a Jew. Imagine if 135 nations, which aid the PA, were forced to condition that aid on the repeal of that law.”

Author of Genesis of the Palestinian Authority, he writes in answer to my query, “Having covered the PA since it came into being in 1994, I asked Dr. Pinhas Inbari of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, formerly with leading left wing newspaper Al Hamishmar, to report on Abbas actions following the Simchat Torah massacres… Inbari confirms that the most Abbas would say is that the massacre was not appropriate to Islam. No condemnation, no regret. The US government publicizes that Abbas condemned the massacres. This continues the pattern. Abbas on the White House lawn with Arafat in Sept. 1993 together signed the Oslo accords. However Inbari flew to Tunis to witness the ratification of the accords, except that the PLO would not ratify the accord.”

As long as ten years ago, Bedein wrote in the Jerusalem Post in an article titled, “US aid to Palestinian forces may assist Hamas,” “[T]he Fatah policy and attitude toward Hamas can be summarized by an exchange I had with Fatah founder Yasser Arafat at a press conference in Oslo, Norway, on December 10, 1994, the night before Arafat became one of the recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize.

“My question: ‘Mr. Arafat, Israeli prime minister Rabin and Israeli foreign minister Peres said a few hours ago in answer to my question that you deserve the peace prize because you have committed yourself to crushing the Hamas terror organization.’ Arafat’s answer: ‘I do not understand the question. Hamas are my brothers.’”

The despicable practice of the Palestinian Authority, of Pay for Slay, under Abbas, is ongoing, and proof they are not genuine peace partners.

These payments, made by the Palestinian Authority, led by Abbas, continue. According to an item published in the Jerusalem Post on Oct. 17, “The Palestinian Authority will pay families of dead Hamas terrorists a combined total of around $2.8 million, according to a report by the Palestinian Media Watch (PMW), a nongovernmental organization and media watchdog group.” In addition, “The PMW claims that the $2.8 million payments is a low estimate because there will be more “martyrs” and prisoners from the Hamas terrorist organization.” PMW also accuses the Palestinian Authority  of receiving funding from countries from the European Union for this “program.”

 

Where is the UN and UNRWA?

Notorious textbooks in UNRWA schools have been well documented. In one article called, “UNRWA: Blurring the Lines between Humanitarianism and Politics” by Dr. Rephael Ben-Ari, published on the website of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, Ben-Ari quotes a video that was uploaded to YouTube on July 2013, and was screened in part on Israel’s Channel 2 news.

He writes, “It was directed by journalist D. Bedein, and produced by the Nahum Bedein Center for Near East Policy Research… [The] video footage came to light, entitled ‘Camp Jihad,’ showing the curriculum of Palestinian children in several UNRWA summer camps, which incite hostility towards Israel and the Jews. The documentary that filmed summer programs in the Gaza Strip and Balata refugee camp (north of Nablus) shows young campers being educated about the ‘Nakba’ and taught about ‘the villages they came from,’ such as Acre, Ashkelon, Beersheba, Haifa, Jaffa, Lod, Nazareth, Safad, and even Tel-Aviv (Sheikh Munis) – all cities within sovereign Israel. Even the names of the teams in their summer camps take on the names of these cities.

“In the documentary, the director of the Gaza camp explains that these programs are meant to motivate the youngsters ‘to return to their original villages,’ and she expresses her deep gratitude to UNRWA for financing the camp.”

Regarding UNRWA and the PA, Bedein published the book ROADBLOCK TO PEACE: How the UN Perpetuates the Arab-Israeli Conflict: UNRWA Policies Reconsidered.

 

“Selektzia”

We’re heard that before, including during the Entebbe raid in 1976. One of the most horrifying ideas that has emerged is the idea of “selektzia” while Israeli says adamantly that all the hostages must be released.

France is demanding that Hamas release Mia Schem, the French-Israeli about whom Hamas made a video. Yet Mia’s courageous mother, Keren, emphasized in an interview on Israel radio that “all the hostages must be released.”

In 2005, which Israel destroyed Gush Katif, with no peace agreement, the Gazan Arabs were handed a gift on a silver platter. They were given, through the years, billions of dollars of foreign aid. They could have created a paradise on earth. Instead, they burnt the Gush Katif synagogues, plundered the greenhouses, which had been left standing, and when Hamas took over Gaza two years later, they turned the entire area into a hell on earth, not just as a threat to Israel, but for their own residents, all of them human shields.

I found an article I published shortly before the expulsion from Gush Katif, including the story of what may have been the last brit milah.

Wednesday August 10, 2005

Everyone, even those of great faith, recognize that it may be the last brit mila in Gush Katif, and the atmosphere is heavily mixed with joy and sorrow. The lawns surrounding the synagogue are filled with well-wishers, the tables laden with cold drinks and watermelon slices. The child is named Amichai — “my nation lives.”

During the festive lunch (at tables decorated with orange ribbons and napkins), the rabbi of the community, Gabi Kadosh, the baby’s grandfather, says, “I invite you all to join us here for Amichai’s Shabbat hatan (the Shabbat before a wedding)!” One of the caterer’s workers rolls his eyes in disbelief. But I say to the people at my table, “Amichai’s father married young — at 19. And I remember how the children of Gush Etzion returned to their homes after the Six Day War in 1967, 19 years after they were driven out in 1948 when Gush Etzion fell to the Jordanians. These children, too, will return one day.”

I finish my little speech of hope and Hanan Porat enters the hall, to wish the family mazal tov. Hanan was the leader of the Gush Etzion children who returned in 1967, and I declare it to be an omen that my prophecy was true, and that the children of Gush Katif will return, one day, to this strip of land.

This coming year will be 19 years since the expulsion from Gush Katif.

Spoiler on the film Independence Day: The good guys fight back and win in the end.

________________

 

[1] Books by Dr. Guy Bechor: God in the Courtroom: The Transformation of Courtroom Oath and Perjury Between Islamic and Franco-Egyptian Law (Studies in Islamic Law and Society, 34), The Sanhuri Code, and the Emergence of Modern Arab Civil Law (1932 to 1949) (Studies in Islamic Law and Society) and From Intifada to War: Milestones in the Palestinian National Experience (Hebrew), the last together with co-authors Tamar Yegnes, Yuval Arnon-Ohana, Esther Webman, Ehud Yaari, Bruce Maddy-Weitzman, Amos Nadan, Elie Rekhess, Khalil Shikaki and Daniel Schueftan, Published by The Moshe Dayan Center. More articles by Dr. Bechor can be found, in Hebrew, on his website: www.gplanet.co.il.

The Modern Dilemma

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The Hamas war is Iran’s war against the modern world. It was long-planned, but the trigger that set it off was the blossoming of Israeli “normalization” with the Saudis.

The cartoon asks if the leaders are afraid of mass anti-Jewish violence on their streets. The answer is yes. Obviously.

The real question is what will they do about saving their democracies from the Islamofascists.
My hunch is, not much.

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Behind the scene with David Bedein – October 23, 2023

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I Negotiated Israel’s Hardest Hostage Deal. Here’s What’s Next in Gaza.

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Gilad Schalit, an Israeli soldier, had been a hostage for five years before Israel and Hamas were seriously willing to work toward his release. That was 2011. I had been pursuing secret back-channel communications with Hamas since a week after he was captured in a cross-border raid and dragged into Gaza. My partner in these secret negotiations was Ghazi Hamad, Hamas’s spokesman who was then also a political adviser to its prime minister.

Mr. Hamad showed compassion for Mr. Schalit and his family many times. In the end, the price of Mr. Schalit’s freedom was steep: 1,027 Palestinian prisoners. On Oct. 18, 2011, he returned to his home in northern Israel. When I talked to Mr. Hamad on the phone early that morning, he blurted out in a moment of spontaneous joy, “Next time we will negotiate peace!”

On the first night of Israel’s bombing, I have learned, Mr. Hamad’s home in Gaza City was destroyed in an airstrike. I saw it as a clear signal from Israel: Everyone affiliated with Hamas is a target. The time for talk is over.

Today, there are again hostages in Gaza — more than 200, according to the Israeli government. On Friday, Hamas released two of them — an American mother and daughter — but the fate of the others remains unclear. As deadly airstrikes on Gaza continue and Israel amasses troops at the border in preparation for a ground invasion, their safety grows more precarious each day. Should Israel negotiate to get their civilian hostages out of Gaza as quickly as possible? Should it sacrifice them to achieve its goal going into this war — to eliminate Hamas? Should it exchange them for prisoners, as it has done in the past?

These considerations present a stark dilemma for all Israelis, but perhaps none more so than Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who was once the staunchest opponent of negotiating with terrorists of any kind, but who also came to realize that the ethos of leaving no soldier behind did sometimes require that kind of engagement.

Israelis have been held hostage many times over the nation’s 75 years. In May 1974, members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine held 115 hostages, most of them high school students in the town of Maalot, in northern Israel, for two days, an episode that ended in the murders of 22 hostages. An Air Force officer, Ron Arad, was shot down over Lebanon in 1986 and was never returned. In May 1985, Israel released 1,150 Palestinian prisoners in exchange for the return of three Israeli soldiers captured in Lebanon.

Over the course of those painful episodes, the nation learned a great deal about how to work for its hostages’ release, whether through third-party negotiations, secret back channels or force. But today’s hostage crisis is unlike any other. It’s not just a few people being held by hostile forces. It’s about 200 people, including women, children and the elderly, and it’s unfolding in the midst of a full-blown war. None of the old rules apply.

Hamas held Mr. Schalit in a secret location. Is that possible with such a large group? Gaza is a very small territory with a very dense population, not all of whom support Hamas. The inevitable intelligence leaks could enable Israel to conduct rescue operations. Israeli intelligence analysts will be looking for leads anywhere they can find them, such as data from cellphones found on the bodies of terrorists killed since the attack on Oct. 7.

It is equally unclear how this group of hostages will be treated. Hamas treated Gilad Schalit surprisingly well during his years of captivity. He was never physically tortured. Could the same be the case with so many hostages? Hamas has said that some of them are being held by other groups, including Islamic Jihad. Whatever Hamas’s approach is toward these hostages, there is no guarantee that another group will share it.

Killing hostages is not what I would previously have expected from Hamas. But the killing spree of Oct. 7, including the butchering of whole families, the burning of homes, the destruction of whole communities, changed that. On Monday, it released a video of a 21-year-old hostage who appeared to have been wounded and was being treated on camera. There were no signs that she had been tortured but it was clear that she was under duress.

Negotiating for the release of hostages may also be less popular this time around. The Schalit deal was very difficult for Israel to accept. More than 300 of the Palestinians who were released from prison had been serving life sentences for violent acts, including killing Israelis. It was hard for me, too: My wife’s first cousin, Sasson Nuriel, was kidnapped and killed by Hamas in September 2005. Four of the people responsible for murdering him were released as part of the agreement that I negotiated. Still, in the end, nearly 80 percent of the public, according to one poll, along with 26 government ministers and the entire national security establishment, supported the deal. Prime Minister Netanyahu signed off on the agreement.

Today, Israel holds about 7,000 Palestinian prisoners, of whom 559 are serving life sentences for killing Israelis, according to Addameer, a Palestinian prisoners’ rights group. Will Israelis, still reeling from the atrocities of Oct. 7, be willing to accept this kind of bargain again? Is it safe to do so? One of the men who killed my wife’s cousin, who was released in exchange for Gilad Schalit, was among the leaders of the Oct. 7 terrorist attacks, according to Israel’s report of his recent killing.

I have no official authorization as a negotiator, but as far as I know I’m the only Israeli citizen who has contacts both with the leadership of Hamas and the leadership of Israel, so I have been in continual touch with both sides in hopes of advancing some long-term agreement. The release of those first two hostages is a positive development, but overall, prospects remain dim. Hamas continues to demand an end to “Israel’s aggression against Gaza,” and Israel says it has no intention of ending this war “until the job is done.” Mr. Hamad has not backed down from Hamas’s brutal attacks.

In my conversations with Hamas leaders, I have pushed them to release the women, children, elderly and sick as a humanitarian gesture. Hamas rejected the idea. I believe that Israel is open to accept a small deal in exchange for such a group, so I proposed to my Hamas contacts that they trade them for the 33 Palestinian women and 170 Palestinian minors currently in Israeli prisons, according to Addameer. Hamas rejected that, too. Right now, Hamas’s focus is achieving a comprehensive cease-fire.

There are still official talks taking place. Qatar is speaking with Hamas and the United States is speaking with Qatar and Israel. This is too convoluted and complex. There need to be direct talks between Israel, Qatar and Hamas, and no one else. Not the United States, and not Iran. The agreement of Hamas to release the two Americans was apparently negotiated by the Qataris and assisted by the International Committee of the Red Cross.

The United States still has a role to play. It should continue to pressure Qatar, which should give an ultimatum that if hostages are not released within, say, 24 hours, all of Hamas’s leaders will be expelled from Qatar, where many are based. I don’t believe that Qatar will agree to that — and certainly not without an Israeli cease-fire — but the American government and others have leverage over Qatar and it should be used.

There is still a small chance and a limited window of opportunity before the ground assault begins to attain the release of some of the hostages through this kind of agreement. After the invasion begins, it will depend on Israeli special forces to try to save them.

Some will again see their homes; others may not.

At the other end of this war, I hope that the trauma and suffering we are all feeling on both sides of the conflict will spur us to figure out how to share this land that belongs to both Israelis and Palestinians. Maybe our collective suffering and pain can be channeled to focusing on how to live together rather than killing each other. That will be a long process and cannot include the leaders on both sides who have brought us to where we are.

We need a new generation of leaders with new vision, new hopes, new dreams and the ability to lead. I hope that many of the hostages, together with their families, will soon be able to join the voices calling for change.

Gershon Baskin is the Middle East director of the International Communities Organization, a human rights advocacy group.

 

UNRWA incites during a time of war

By
David Bedein
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At a time when the war in Gaza continues in full force, Israeli state security services are finally enforcing a crackdown on incitement, a step which our agency has advocated for more than 30 years.

In that context, more than one hundred Israeli and Palestinian Arabs have been arrested for demonstrating active support of the new campaign to butcher Jewish men, women children and babies.

What has so far gone unreported are the daily celebrations of these murders of Jews. celebrations which are now being conducted in the UNRWA refugee camps in Bethlehem and in Jerusalem, which have become weapons arsenals and may spill over into attacks on Jews in the heart of Israel, at any moment.

At this time, we dispatch TV crews to document the new campaign to incite genocidal violence in the UNRWA refugee camps of Deheishe and Aida in Bethlehem and the UNRWA camp in Shuafat in Jerusalem.

The crews are asked to interview the children in these camps. as we have done in earlier movies,which can be seen at https://www.cfnepr.com/205640/Movies

We are always a few steps ahead of the Israeli security establishment when it comes to our coverage of lethal incitement because our cameras are on site before the Israel Defense Forces and Israeli intelligence services arrive.

During the heyday of the supposed peace process, the Israeli security establishment did everything possible to prevent this material from being screened, since we unmask the true face of Israel’s “peace partners”.

For that reason, our initiative remains a private initiative.

That is why funds to produce this new short documentary which will expose  UNRWA incitement during this war will remain in the private domain.

https://israelbehindthenews.com/donations/

The Dark Reality Of PLO And UNRWA Policies

By
David Bedein
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View of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) building during a strike in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip, on July 26, 2018. Photo by Abed Rahim Khatib/Flash90 *** Local Caption *** אונר"א
עזה
בניין
שביתה

For decades, I advocated for the creation of a Palestinian Arab state, believing that it could bring about a lasting peace in the region. I was convinced that Israel had a genuine partner in the peace process, one that could help resolve the conflict with the Palestinian Arabs and address the millions living in UNRWA refugee camps. However, a fateful week in December 1987 changed my perspective forever.

On December 8, 1987, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) took control of the Palestinian Arab leadership, marking the beginning of a violent “intifada.” This shift extinguished my optimism for a peaceful resolution. From that moment on, I embarked on a 36-year journey of examining the PLO and UNRWA with the help of dedicated journalists, both Jewish and Arab, who spoke Arabic fluently.

Our collective research yielded a conclusion that was often met with skepticism: the PLO’s aim was not merely to foster hatred of Jews but to indoctrinate a systematic ideology of murder against them. For years, our perspective remained in the minority, but the horrific events of October 7th this year served as a chilling confirmation of our long-standing concerns.

The October 7th massacre, where Jewish men, women, and even infants were brutally murdered, represented the culmination of 24 years of continuous incitement of Palestinian Arabs to cross the border, abduct or murder any Jew who stood in their way, all in the pursuit of their so-called “right of return” by force.

Fast forward to October 18th, when US President Joe Biden visited Jerusalem. The State Department assured me that President Biden was convinced the Palestinian Authority (PA) had condemned the ongoing Arab murder campaign. Based on this report, President Biden endorsed the creation of a Palestinian state with Mahmoud Abbas at the helm.

To closely monitor Abbas’s statements, our news agency engaged Dr. Pinhas Inbari, a senior journalist fluent in Arabic and now a fellow at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. He kept a close eye on the tightly controlled Palestinian Authority media, especially after the horrifying discovery of murdered babies at the hands of Palestinian Arabs.

Inbari’s findings were disheartening. President Abbas did not express a shred of remorse, offer an apology, or demonstrate any second thoughts about the actions of the Arab murder campaign since October 7. Instead, he repeatedly promised grants to the families of those Arabs who died as “Shahids,” or holy martyrs, since that tragic day.

While the Palestinian Authority’s official news agency initially published comments by Abbas that criticized Hamas over its actions, they later removed references to the terrorist group without an explanation. What Abbas has consistently reiterated on PA media channels is his intent to support the families of those who died in this abhorrent campaign.

This is the legacy that President Joe Biden left in Jerusalem: allowing Mahmoud Abbas to evade responsibility for these murders, leaving the troubling policies of the PLO and UNRWA unaddressed and unchecked. We must not turn a blind eye to this dark reality, and it’s high time for a reevaluation of our approach to peace in the region.

Mahmoud Abbas und der Terror der Hamas

By
David Bedein
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Die Kommentare von PA-Präsident Abbas gegenüber palästinensischen Medien enthielten kein einziges Wort des Bedauerns oder der Entschuldigung, sehr wohl aber die Zusage von lebenslangen Renten an die Familien der Terroristen.

Die Ereignisse der vergangenen zwei Wochen haben meine Schlussfolgerung bestätigt, die ich nach sechsunddreißig Jahren der Untersuchung der Politik der Palästinensischen Befreiungsbewegung (PLO) und des UN-Hilfswerks für die Palästinenser (UNRWA) gezogen habe: Die PLO hat eine Ideologie gefördert, die auf der Rechtfertigung des Judenmordes beruht.

Als ich am 1. Dezember 1987 das Jerusalemer Pressezentrum, ein Büro für Nachrichten und Recherchen, eröffnete, war ich ein Befürworter eines palästinensisch-arabischen Staates. Siebzehn Jahre aktives Engagement in der israelischen Friedensbewegung hatten mich davon überzeugt, dass Israel einem echten arabischen Friedenspartner gegenüberstand, mit dem es den Krieg beenden und sich um die Millionen von palästinensischen Arabern kümmern könnte, die in neunundfünfzig UNRWA-Lagern auf ewig als Flüchtlinge lebten. Mein Optimismus währte eine Woche lang.

Am 8. Dezember 1987 verpuffte diese Aussicht, als die PLO die Führung der palästinensischen Araber in einer gewalttätigen »Intifada« übernahm, einem arabischen Begriff, der bedeutet, Israel »abzuwerfen«. Seitdem habe ich arabisch sprechende Journalisten – Juden und Araber – engagiert, die dabei mithelfen, jeden Aspekt der PLO und der UNRWA zu untersuchen.

Nach sechsunddreißig Jahren kamen wir zu dem Schluss, dass das Ziel der PLO nicht allein darin besteht, den Hass auf die Juden zu schüren, sondern vielmehr auch in der Indoktrinierung zur systematischen Ermordung von Juden. Nur sehr wenige glaubten mir.

Das schamlose Massaker an jüdischen Männern, Frauen und Babys, das am 7. Oktober stattfand, stellte jedoch den Höhepunkt von vierundzwanzig Jahren der Aufstachelung dar, als Hunderte Palästinenser aus Gaza den Grenzzaun überwanden, um jeden Juden zu entführen oder zu ermorden, der ihnen auf dem Weg zur bewaffneten Erfüllung ihres angeblichen »Rechts auf Rückkehr« begegnete.

US-Präsident Biden in Jerusalem

Wie mir das amerikanische Außenministerium bestätigte, sei Präsident Joe Biden versichert worden, dass die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde (PA) die aktuelle arabische Mordkampagne verurteilt habe. Der Bericht über solch eine Verurteilung der Morde durch Abbas ermöglichte es Biden, in Jerusalem einzutreffen und die Gründung eines palästinensischen Staates mit Abbas an der Spitze zu befürworten.

Unsere Nachrichtenagentur engagierte einen hochrangigen Journalisten, der fließend Arabisch spricht, Pinhas Inbari, Fellow am Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, um jedes Wort zu verfolgen, das Abbas von der PA zugeschrieben wurde, deren Verlautbarungen nach der Entdeckung der von Palästinensern abgeschlachteten israelischen Babys einer strengen Kontrolle unterlagen.

Inbari berichtete, Abbas’ Kommentare gegenüber den Medien der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde enthielten kein einziges Wort des Bedauerns, der Entschuldigung oder des Innehaltens über die palästinensische Mordkampagne vom 7. Oktober und danach.

Zwar veröffentlichte die offizielle Nachrichtenagentur der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde am Sonntag Kommentare von Präsident Mahmoud Abbas, in denen er die Hamas wegen ihrer Aktionen kritisierte, entfernte später aber den Verweis auf die Terrorgruppe wieder, ohne eine Erklärung abzugeben. Zugleich wiederholte Abbas im Radio, Fernsehen und Internet der PA immer wieder, dass die Behörde der Familie jedes Palästinensers, der seit dem 7. Oktober als »Shahid« (arabisch für: heiliger Märtyrer) gestorben ist, eine Rente gewähren würde.

Dies ist das Vermächtnis von Präsident Joe Biden in Jerusalem: Mahmoud Abbas mit Mord davonkommen zu lassen.

The involvement of the ‘uninvolved’: Gaza’s population actively abetted Hamas in plotting against Israel

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Some 20,000 “uninvolved” workers from Gaza used to enter Israel every day until the slaughter. They did so for months and months. They worked in the communities of the Gaza border, in Sderot, and in Ofakim, and some of them took detailed notes about their destinations: how many houses there were, where the living rooms, the bedrooms, and the security rooms were, how many family members lived in each house, whether they had a dog, where their cars were parked. They documented everything. And all of it went to Hamas. It was part of the infrastructure of the pogrom – the contribution of the “uninvolved” to the atrocity.

After the civilians were slaughtered, Salah Arouri of Hamas tried to defend his fighters by claiming that they weren’t the ones who did it. It was the residents of Gaza, he said. “When the Gaza Division fell apart,” Arouri explained, “people from the Strip went in and clashed with the settlers. As a result, people were killed.”

The “uninvolved,” many thousands of them, “demonstrated” at the border fence on the eve of the massacre. They planted explosive charges along the fence and marked off the weak points. They participated in the great deception that Hamas pulled off more successfully than it had ever imagined.
Tens of thousands of “uninvolved people” just like them – hundreds of thousands in the army’s count – took part in “marches of return” along the fence over the years, lobbing charges and firebombs onto our side, launching incendiary balloons and setting our fields afire. Their hearts seethed with hatred and entertained a dream – to return to Ashkelon, Lod, Acre, and Ashdod, and to replace us. Today, one hopes, many more of us believe them. Our true friend in the White House, Joe Biden, still remains unconvinced, but at some point, he’ll figure it out, too. The Palestinians have creative ways of explaining it.

The “uninvolved” danced like dervishes around the trucks that hauled away the abducted children, the old men and women, and the young men and women, crying “death to the Jews” and helping Hamas to place them in hiding. The “uninvolved” helped Hamas to move its rockets to concealment. “Uninvolved” mothers proclaimed that they were proud to send their children into battle in order to turn them into shahids (martyrs). And “uninvolved” teachers taught the children of Gaza that it’s a religious obligation to kill Jews. Hundreds of thousands of “uninvolved” Gazans took part in the funerals of the arch-murderers whom Israel eliminated over the years. For those who really want to go back there – Google and watchdogs like MEMRI and Palestinian Media Watch will provide the terrifying texts that were read out at those funerals, the masses roaring their agreement.

In 2006, hundreds of thousands of Gazans who had the right to vote cast their ballots for the Hamas terror organization, whose charter calls for the annihilation of the Jews and the State of Israel, and gave it eighteen of the twenty-four seats that were up for direct election in the Strip. When it was done, Hamas won 43% of the votes as against 33% for Fatah. Hamas also won in eastern Jerusalem and performed handsomely in Nablus, Hebron, and elsewhere. In a departure from the norm, these were sound democratic elections. Some 250 European Union observers confirmed it. They accurately reflected the preferences of the residents of Gaza and Judea-Samaria. Admittedly, seventeen years have passed since then but Hamas’ strength in Gaza, and in Judea-Samaria as well, has not only held up but has grown.

Hamas and the Gazans are one and the same – in elections, in their hearts, in their actions, and in their assistance. Many of them knew about the war preparations, furthered them, and kept them secret. The IDF is a moral army. It will not line up a civilian population in the crosshairs of its rifles, tanks, artillery, and aircraft, but if this population unintentionally comes to harm, heaven forbid, it’s worth our while to know exactly whom we’re dealing with.

The origins of Palestinian hatred

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THE TRAIL OF blood left by
Hamas terrorists in the Gaza Strip

is another chapter of the Palestin-
ian cruelty and brutality that was

born over 100 years ago. There have
been several inflection points along the way

that we can refer to: the lynching in Ramal-
lah in October 2000, the Pogel family massa-
cre in Itamar, the Salomon family massacre

in Halamish, the suicide bombings on buses
during the Second Intifada, and events far
back like the 1929 Hebron Massacre, the Lavi
family massacre, the Ma’alot school massacre,
the Coastal Road massacre in 1978.

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