UNRWA Education: Responsibility of Donor Nations

Despite Canada’s temporary withdrawal of funding from UNRWA between 2011 and 2015, recent developments have seen Canada resume its role as one of the top funders of UNRWA. (Photo: JNS.org)

Despite Canada’s temporary withdrawal of funding from UNRWA between 2011 and 2015, recent developments have seen Canada resume its role as one of the top funders of UNRWA. (Photo: JNS.org)

The Center for Near East Policy Research, which has operated since 1952, now renamed for my brother Nachum Bedein, who succumbed to renal cancer, has completed another comprehensive study of textbooks used in UNRWA schools.

https://www.terrorism-info.org.il/app/uploads/2024/05/E_114_24.pdf

https://israelbehindthenews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/p14-17.pdf

This study complements the movies that our Center produced on location in the UNRWA schools from 2004 to 2024.

https://www.cfnepr.com/205640/Movies

Today, UNRWA’s curriculum is focused on the theme of the Right of Return by force of arms, which is hardly appropriate for a United Nations educational facility.

We cordially offer to provide our expert, Dr. Arnon Groiss, the author of this comprehensive report, to brief your staff on the subject.

Since 58% of the 1.6 billion dollar UNRWA budget is allocated to education, our question to you is whether you will request that the UNRWA educational system be revised in a more peaceful context?

Please respond as soon as possible to this query.

David Bedein MSW

Director

058-7222661

Trump admin giving Arab states space to formulate their own Gaza plan

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio meets with Saudi Arabian Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Feb. 17, 2025. Credit: Freddie Everett/U.S. State Department.

The Trump administration has yet to get the sense that any pan-Arab plan for Gaza is coming together, and it believes that the matter will become clearer after a five-nation meeting on the subject on Friday, JNS learned.

Saudi Arabia is set to host Egyptian, Jordanian, Qatari and Emirati leaders on Friday to work toward a plan for Gaza’s reconstruction while ensuring that Gazans aren’t relocated.

Several Arab countries reacted angrily to U.S. President Donald Trump’s surprise announcement earlier this month that he envisioned a U.S. takeover of Gaza to revitalize it after its destruction in the war between Israel and Hamas.

Trump demanded that Egypt and Jordan absorb nearly 2 million Gazans and has acknowledged that they may not be able to return to the Strip.

The Trump administration believes that the Saudis, Jordanians and Egyptians have ideas to bring to the table in offering an alternative to Trump’s plan, which the U.S. president said he would welcome. The White House aims to give the Arabs space to formulate their plan before weighing in further, JNS learned.

The Trump administration believes that there would be no shortage of funders to foot the bill for reconstruction in Gaza under a potential, Arab-formulated Gaza plan. There are many construction companies, engineers and other experts who could handle the large task, the administration thinks.

The biggest sticking point by far, JNS learned, is who would control Gaza. The Trump administration thinks that another war would be inevitable absent a realistic plan to remove Hamas from power.

Marco Rubio, the U.S. secretary of state, met on Monday with Saudi officials, including Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan, in part to cement Saudi support for the implementation of the second phase of an Israel-Hamas ceasefire and hostage release deal.

Rubio Saudi
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio meets with Saudi Arabian Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Feb. 17, 2025. Credit: Freddie Everett/U.S. State Department.

JNS saw Steve Witkoff, Trump’s Middle East special envoy, meeting on Tuesday with Saudi National Security Advisor Musaid al-Aiban in Riyadh at the American delegation’s hotel. It was unclear whether those discussions addressed Gaza or a potential end to the Russia-Ukraine war—a topic on which the Saudis hosted talks earlier in the day at Diriyah Palace.

Witkoff and al-Aiban were also involved in those discussions.

JNS has also learned that the Trump administration does not believe that Israel has an interest in maintaining even its limited presence in southern Lebanon. A U.S.-brokered Israel-Hezbollah ceasefire extension expired on Wednesday evening.

Israel insists on maintaining troops at five strategic points inside Lebanese territory to ensure that there are no immediate threats from the Hezbollah terror group.

The ceasefire calls for the Lebanese Armed Forces to regain control of the country’s south from Hezbollah and to drive the terror group north of the Litani River, creating a safer buffer zone between the militants and Israeli territory.

The White House is holding out hope that the small presence at those five points alone will not derail the entire ceasefire process, amid pushback from Beirut.

The cease-fire illusion: Understanding the religious dimensions of peace

We can’t solve the Mideast conflict with secular solutions alone, there has to be religious understanding as well. When Western media celebrates each new cease-fire between Israel and Hamas, they fundamentally misunderstand what’s actually happening.

The West, with its secular framework, views cease-fires as stepping stones toward permanent peace. But in the current conflict, we’re not dealing with a cease-fire at all – we’re dealing with a hudna, and the difference is far more than semantic.

A hudna, in Islamic military doctrine, is not a peace agreement but a temporary truce for tactical advantages. It’s a pause in fighting, specifically limited to a maximum of ten years, designed for rearmament and repositioning.
Hamas’ religious leaders have given them the ability to use a hudna for five years. This explains why we’ve never seen more than five years of quiet – it’s not a coincidence, but theology. Hamas’ religious authorities have explicitly defined these terms, yet this crucial context remains largely unknown to both Western observers and many Israelis.
This religious dimension isn’t new. Since 1920, a powerful strand of Islamic thought has maintained that a non-Muslim state within Dar Al-Islam (the lands of the historic caliphate) is religiously forbidden. This wasn’t always Islam’s only interpretation of Jewish sovereignty, nor does it need to be its future understanding.
The path to genuine peace might lie not in secularization, as many assume, but in deeper religious engagement. When President Anwar Sadat of Egypt made peace with Israel, he first secured a fatwa (religious decree) from Gad al-Haq senior Mufti at the world-renowned Al-Azhar University of Cairo justifying the peace in Islamic religious terms. This historical precedent suggests that religious authority, rather than being an obstacle, could be a gateway to lasting peace.
Consider that the notorious Grand Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini, who maintained a virulently anti-Jewish interpretation of Islam, was installed by the British mandate leadership against local Palestinian preferences. The Nashashibi family and others opposed his appointment, highlighting that his views weren’t the only Islamic perspective on Jewish presence in the region.
Local Muslim residents of Jerusalem elected Shaykh Husam al-Din Jarallah to be the Mufti of Jerusalem in 1921, but he was pushed out by the British leadership who then placed Amin al-Husseini in the position of Mufti. Al-Huseeini’s radical views on a Jewish, or any non-Mulsim state in the caliphate lands, remain a driving force of the conflict until this day.
As Israel has evolved to embrace more of its religious character, an unexpected opportunity has emerged. Religious leaders – both Jewish and Muslim – might be better positioned to forge understanding than secular diplomats.
I recently traveled to the Bedouin town of Rahat to pay my respects to the Ziyadne family after the bodies of former Hamas hostages Youssef and Hamza were returned to Israel.
One of the Bedouin leaders, Hassan Abu Elyon told me that he felt that, “Rabbis and Imams could actually make peace in this part of the world.” This isn’t mere optimism; it reflects a practical reality where religious leaders often command more respect than secular politicians or military figures.
Religion offers unique tools for reconciliation that secular diplomacy lacks. It provides frameworks for forgiveness without requiring agreed-upon historical narratives. It allows for divine justice to handle ultimate reckonings while enabling practical coexistence in the present.
Judaism’s concept of the Noahide covenant demonstrates our tradition’s recognition of a broader community of believers, offering theological space for positive interfaith relations, and Islam’s early acceptance of Judaism as a legitimate nation of believers prior to the 11th century, offers that same space.
The current reality however is stark: as long as there exists a deep religious imperative for Israel’s destruction, no political solution – whether one state, two states, federation or continued status quo – can succeed. However, if we can engage at a deeper faith-based level, recognizing each other as being part of a community of believers, we can enable. In this manner, we might find paths forward that have eluded secular negotiators.
This isn’t about abandoning political solutions or border discussions. Rather, it’s about creating the theological prerequisites that would make such discussions meaningful to both sides and create the space for a potential long-term agreement. The future of peace might not lie in secularizing the conflict, but in harnessing religion’s power to heal rather than divide.
Understanding this reality isn’t defeatist – it’s pragmatic. The path to peace may require a transformation in religious understanding between these ancient faiths that have built up so much hatred in recent years, but historically and religiously share so much common ground.
  • Rabbi Daniel Rowe currently serves as the educational visionary of Aish, a global Jewish educational institution.

Massad Boulos and Steve Witkoff: Shaping US Middle East policy with complementary approaches

President Trump’s Senior Adviser on Arab and Middle Eastern Affairs, Massad Boulos, and Special Envoy for the Middle East, Steve Witkoff, are poised to drive US strategy in the region. Witkoff, of course, has been active in the Gaza ceasefire agreement and has been in the spotlight with his recent trips to the region. Boulos has quietly focused on Lebanon, delivering US messages to its political leaders about Lebanon’s next government’s composition.

Regarding Lebanon, Morgan Ortagus, the Deputy Special Envoy for the Middle East, is now taking over the role once held by Amos Hochstein during the Biden administration. In her first major move since assuming this responsibility, Ortagus has wasted no time in asserting US priorities in Lebanon. On a recent visit to Lebanon on February 7, 2025, she made it clear that Hezbollah cannot be part of the government, emphasising that this is a US “red line” and that the US remains focused on ensuring Lebanon’s sovereignty. Her strong stance underscores the Trump administration’s commitment to ensuring Lebanon’s sovereignty.

Meanwhile, Steve Witkoff remains focused on more significant, overarching concerns. His focus is on high-level diplomatic and security engagement with US allies, including Israel, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and other Gulf states, as well as Egypt and Jordan, to advance a peace settlement. Also, he likely will help to manage the Iranian threat and bolster US security partnerships, as well as related military and intelligence cooperation.

While yet to take shape, Boulos’s role may centre more on building relationships with Arab leaders and societies, leveraging his Arab heritage, Arabic fluency and unique Trump family ties. These assets should not be underestimated. His success will rely on his ability to forge personal connections and navigate complex dynamics with allies and partners.

While Witkoff and Ortagus, on the one hand, and Boulos, on the other, seem like birds of different feathers, they can be successful if they flock together.

The Gaza challenge: shifting the regional landscape

President Trump’s proposal to relocate Palestinians from Gaza further complicates the region’s diplomatic landscape. The proposal has drawn strong opposition from Egypt, Jordan and other Arab states, because of the perceived risks it poses to regional stability and peace.

Saudi Arabia, in particular, has reacted swiftly and sternly to Trump’s pledge to “take over” Gaza, unequivocally rejecting the plan. The Saudi ministry of foreign affairs stated that the establishment of a Palestinian state is a “firm, unwavering position” and is non-negotiable. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman made it clear that Saudi Arabia will not establish diplomatic relations with Israel without the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Qatar, a key mediator in the Gaza truce, has cautioned that it is too early to discuss who should control Gaza while a fragile ceasefire remains in place.

For Boulos, who has deep connections within the Arab, Lebanese and Muslim American communities, this backlash against Trump’s Gaza plan, particularly from Saudi Arabia, poses both a challenge and an opportunity. At the appropriate time, Boulos can work with Arab and Islamic donor institutions, including, for example, the Islamic Development Bank and the private sector to plan its development assistance to, and investment in, Gaza. In an era of significantly diminishing US overseas aid, sustained strategic engagement with the region’s development and economic powerhouses will be critical.

Boulos: regional bridge builder

Boulos’s key advantages lie in his Arab heritage and close Trump family ties, his younger son, Michael Boulos, is married to Tiffany Trump; many Arabs know, and respect, familial ties, particularly when such bonds are with influential figures. Having grown up in Lebanon, and coming from a respected family there, gives him a firsthand understanding of the region’s history, politics and culture. He is known for his easygoing personal style, coming across as genuine, and as someone who listens intently to his interlocutors.

This will allow him to engage with a wide swathe of Arab leaders across sectors, in politics, commerce, business, culture, education, who may be more receptive to his outreach. He is well-positioned to become a trusted US diplomatic figure in his own right across the region with those in and outside government. If empowered, Boulos will be key to longer-term US strategic success.

Witkoff’s role: regional security and geopolitical strategy

In contrast, Steve Witkoff’s role focuses more on high-level diplomatic and security issues, with a particular emphasis on Iran and broader regional stability. Witkoff will engage directly with military leaders, intelligence agencies and government officials to address security threats, manage US-Israel relations, and foster alliances with Gulf states. His visits to Saudi Arabia and Qatar, and especially his engagements with Israeli leaders, first in Tel Aviv and recently in Washington, illustrate his lane.

Boulos can focus on building a foundation for longer-term economic, commercial, development and other cooperation, within the region and with the US Together, Boulos, Witkoff and Ortagus can make America stronger, safer and more prosperous in the region.

Boulos’s path to success: Personal ties and strategic initiatives

Boulos can prioritize establishing strategic dialogues with and between regional powers, focusing on mutual economic interests. His business background can play a key role in this, though not focused specifically on the Middle East, Boulos’s ability to initiate conversations in business circles can increase economic partnerships, commercial deals, investment opportunities and regional cooperation. Also, Boulos can facilitate greater bilateral understanding, offering US insights to Arab leaders and vice versa.

Boulos’s success will be enhanced by setting up a small team to operationalise his strategic initiatives and also to liaise with Arab and Muslim-American communities, which delivered Michigan’s electoral votes for the president last November. Boulos can promote engagement between these communities’ business leaders and associations and countries in the region.

Boulos: a new Kushner?

Massad Boulos has the potential to become the new Jared Kushner in terms of diplomatic impact. Just as Kushner played a critical role in brokering the Abraham Accords and fostering deeper engagement between the US and Arab nations, Boulos can use his personal Trump family ties and his Arab roots to open more doors for more meaningful engagement with Middle Eastern leaders.

Although Boulos lacks Kushner’s high-level political relationships, his Trump family position and ability to build rapport can allow him to establish strong relationships, and turn them into partnerships. These partnerships can complement and support broader US foreign policy objectives.

Boulos’s family loyalty, protection and addressing critics

Massad Boulos can play this role not only because of what he brings to the table, but also due to the protection that comes with family ties. President Trump has long made it clear that his family loyalty is paramount, and any efforts to undermine Boulos, whether based on his wealth, background, or political affiliations, will face pushback.

Despite negative media coverage questioning Boulos’s wealth, business dealings, background, and credibility, these criticisms are largely unfounded and are attempts to delegitimize his role. Boulos earned his position through the hard, sustained work of community engagement and campaigning around Michigan, which delivered Arab-American and Muslim-American votes in a historic way, helping push Trump to victory in Michigan. His engagement reoriented their political calculus and brought them into the president’s expanded coalition.

Any external effort to weaken his position will be met with a strong response from both the Trump family and the administration itself, ensuring that Boulos’s standing remains unshakable and his contributions continue to shape US policy in the region.

Expanding beyond Lebanon: A regional vision

While Boulos has engaged with Lebanon, his efforts should take on a broader regional focus to make a true impact. His strong ties to Lebanon provide a valuable starting point, but his diplomatic outreach must extend beyond this one country, encompassing Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and the nations involved in the Abraham Accords. As Senior Advisor on Arab and Middle Eastern Affairs, his role goes well beyond Lebanon. If Boulos remains too narrowly focused on Lebanon, he risks limiting his influence and missing opportunities to build alliances across the entire Middle East.To truly influence the region, Boulos should address broader Middle Eastern challenges, including the Iranian threat, regional instability and shifting geopolitical dynamics.

Boulos has a unique opportunity to leverage relationships across the Arab world, from the Maghreb to the Gulf, to address challenges that transcend individual nations. By focusing on the region as a whole, he can avoid limiting his influence and seize opportunities to build alliances across the Middle East. The evolving geopolitical landscape requires a broader approach, one that engages key players and promotes security, stability and prosperity across the entire region. This regional focus aligns with the broader strategic interests of the United States and its allies.

Looking ahead: a two-pronged approach to Middle East diplomacy

Boulos and Witkoff can reinforce each other’s regional roles. Boulos can engage a broad array of Arab leaders, in and out of government, with an emphasis on fostering economic and other partnerships. He can deepen existing Abraham Accords and operationalise new ones, even bringing in new countries outside the region like India, Indonesia and Malaysia. He can spearhead strategic coordination with Gulf-based donor funds, banks and foundations to support Gaza reconstruction, development and employment.

He can help to stimulate Arab and Muslim diaspora private sector engagement to contribute to and benefit from a new Middle East. This can make America more prosperous by mobilising resources and investment that the US would have shouldered significantly in decades past. It can also make America safer and more secure by improving the regional conditions that have enabled regional and international terrorism, conflict and instability.

With a clear approach and strategy, and the right staffing, Boulos can collaborate with Witkoff and Ortagus to lay the groundwork for a more peaceful, stable Middle East, making the Abraham Accords more of the regional rule than its exception.

PM Netanyahu – Don’t Jeopardize Iran Attack by Embarrassing Trump on Saturday

Prime Minister Netanyahu,

You will jeopardize the planned coordinated attack on Fordow and Natanz if
this Saturday, all hell does not break loose if all – and I mean ALL- the
hostages aren’t released by Hamas.

It is as simple as that.

As someone who was in Mr. Trump’s doghouse for years for congratulating
Biden on his victory, you know what you are facing.

And I don’t need to remind you of Mr. Trump’s disdain for your sluggish
operations over the course of almost a year after October 7th.

If you embarrass President Trump on Saturday, you will be the first world
leader to publicly show your behind to this President of the United States
of America.

The plans we have to destroy Fordow and Natanz apparently hinge on various
forms of American participation.

The Americans won’t be dropping bombs, but they will be doing a lot more
than cheering from the bleachers.

If you cross Trump on Saturday, he won’t be game for cooperating in such an
operation.

And he can explain to the Israel supporters on his team: “I don’t think Bibi
has the balls to really pull off the operation -h e will call it off at the
last minute, and I will look like a fool when the press gets wind of the
preparations I authorized our forces to carry out.”

Mr. Netanyahu, for years you have been whispering “Iran” to people to
explain why we can’t do this, that, or the other.

So this time, I’m not going to whisper “Iran” – I am going to shout it out:

“IRAN!!!!!”

This isn’t politics.

A nuclear Iran is definitely an existential threat to the Jewish State.

Don’t screw up this Saturday.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio And Senior Advisor Adam Boehler With Chris Cuomo of NewsNation February 11, 2025 Via Telephone

QUESTION:  First of all, Mr. Secretary of State, congratulations.  I haven’t gotten a chance to talk to you since the appointment, and I wish you well in doing the work of the American people.  What do you want us to know about what you’re doing tonight and what you think it signifies?

SECRETARY RUBIO: Well, look, anytime an American comes home who’s being held overseas like this situation is, it’s a time for celebration.  We’re happy for him and for his family.  It’s a case we followed very closely for a number of years, and obviously we’re excited about that.  But I think it’s also important to note it was not in return for anything.  There wasn’t some deal here where we had to release, like, 10 spies.  And I think it shows President Trump’s commitment to bringing home Americans.  I think – Adam knows better than I do at this point – but I think it’s up to 10 people now in just three weeks who were being detained overseas who have been brought home, and so I think this is a very positive development.

QUESTION:  Hey, Adam, let me get you in here.  Congratulations on bringing home an American.  Obviously that’s good news no matter what your perspective.  Help us understand why the Russians didn’t ask for anything in return.

MR BOEHLER:  I think what you’re seeing here is a bunch of unilateral actions, and I think it speaks to the strength of the President United States, to Steve Witkoff, to Marco and the team they’re building, which is basically they’re trying to show that they know that the President cares about hostages.  He’s made it a priority, and you’re seeing a whole bunch of people act unilaterally.  It happened in Venezuela, and now it’s happening here, which is, you’ve got Russians saying hey, we want to show action because it’s a – it’s a presidential priority.

QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary of State, where are you in terms of your level of confidence that this act is a true indication of possibility when it comes to getting Mr. Putin to be reasonable about ending his campaign in Ukraine? 

SECRETARY RUBIO:  Well, look, I wouldn’t link the two because they’re not linked in the sense that there was some sort of understanding on Ukraine in exchange for this.  What I would say about it, though, is that if you can’t even get an American held under these circumstances released, then the chances of working together in good faith are none.  So it’s certainly a good sign.  But obviously the – look, the situation in Ukraine is complex and difficult, and it’s one that is going to require a lot of work, a lot of hard diplomacy.  It’s a war the President’s made clear he wants to see end.  And so this is good.  I mean, it’s not indicative that it’s going to make it easier to do a deal, but if you can’t get an American who shouldn’t have been there out, then the chances of doing something far more difficult are not very high.

QUESTION:  You’ve got a lot on your plate, obviously, and that’s why you wanted the opportunity.  How concerned are you that we’re going to lose the ceasefire between Hamas and Israel?

SECRETARY RUBIO:  Well, look, I mean, the – it’s always a tenuous ceasefire, because you’re dealing with a terrorist organization in Hamas —

QUESTION:  Sure. 

SECRETARY RUBIO:  — who has kidnapped, murdered, raped, savaged innocents.  And so you’re not dealing with a nation-state here who’s operating under the laws of war or any laws for that matter.  So it’s very tenuous.  We’ll see what happens on Saturday.  I think the President’s been very clear he wants to see those hostages come – be released.  He’s tired of this drip, drip every week.  There’s some Americans there as well.  He wants to see them released, and he’s made very clear that if that’s not the case on Saturday, then then all bets are off.  And it’s not going to be good for Hamas.  But let’s hope that that resolves itself.  I don’t think anyone wants to see a resumption of hostilities.  But by the same token, we can’t have Hamas deciding what parts of the deal they’re going to live up to and what parts they’re not.

QUESTION:  Do you believe their assertion that Israel hasn’t let in aid that was agreed to?

SECRETARY RUBIO:  Well, I think you can’t believe anything Hamas says.  Obviously, the bigger point here is, yeah, I mean, you’re going to – part of the challenge here is that Hamas, we know, continues to use networks to smuggle in weaponry and aid for themselves to reconstitute themselves.  Israel can’t allow that to happen.  You can’t allow them, Hamas, to use the ceasefire to sort of rebuild itself and recover strength.  So it’s a ceasefire but it’s not a stupid ceasefire.  You can’t have it as an opportunity for them to rebuild themselves and come back and do the same thing all over again.  Hamas exists with a very clear purpose.  That is the destruction of the Jewish state.

So let’s hope that we can overcome this hurdle over the next 72 hours.  I know that a lot of countries in the region are weighing in, and hopefully we’re going to have a good outcome on Saturday; and if not, then I think Hamas will be to blame.

Israeli security forces on high alert amid concerns of Hamas attacks from Gaza

Israel’s defense and security apparatus is preparing for potential Hamas attacks from Gaza that could break the ceasefire. Military preparations are clearly visible, with forces being reinforced along the Gaza border region and planned tree-planting events in celebration of the holiday of Tu B’Shevat in border communities being canceled.

A senior security source told Israel Hayom this morning: “We’re not playing ‘chicken,’ but preparing with utmost seriousness for threats and returning to combat according to political directives. Hamas created the current crisis with various pretexts of Israeli violations that never existed. We’re preparing for all scenarios.”

Israel expects the deal to continue while preparing for renewed warfare, this time without restraints: An Israeli source familiar with Cabinet discussions said Israel has support from President Donald Trump to resume fighting if Hamas doesn’t uphold the agreement.

According to the source, this time the war will look different, similar to the first months after Oct. 7, with renewed weapons shipments, no commitment to humanitarian aid, and complete American backing in the UN Security Council. During the cabinet discussion, ministers expressed complete support for Trump’s statement regarding the equation on the table – return of hostages or renewed warfare as soon as this Saturday.

Regarding negotiations for phase two, Israeli officials clarified: No talks will be held on the second phase without ensuring Hamas intends to complete the current phase. An Israeli source said Israel wants to receive more than three hostages this Saturday and insists all releases must occur by Saturday at 12 p.m.

If and when phase two talks resume, Israel maintains that ending the war can only include one possible outcome: release of all hostages and Hamas no longer remaining as a governing or military force in Gaza. The cabinet will shape this mandate after Hamas signals it’s ready to return to implementing the agreement.

Additionally, the Defense Minister warns entities against smuggling in humanitarian aid to Gaza: “Those found involved in smuggling may be included in economic sanctions lists and subject to strict financial restrictions.”

An Israeli Air Force aircraft earlier today struck a drone and two suspects in southern Gaza, according to an Israel Defense Forces spokesperson. The military noted the drone was identified crossing from Israel to southern Gaza and was tracked until the strike. They added that several recent attempts to smuggle weapons into Gaza using drones have been identified.

Earlier, Arab networks reported that an IDF drone struck east of Rafah, resulting in one death and one injury. According to assessments, these were two operatives attempting to launch a drone. Meanwhile, Al-Arabiya reported that the IDF continues strikes in the al-Sultan neighborhood in western Rafah, and that “the Israeli military is destroying residential buildings” in the area.

Netanyahu on Cabinet vote: If Hamas doesn’t return hostages by Saturday, cease-fire ends

The political-security cabinet met Tuesday for four hours for a discussion following Hamas’ announcement that it would “suspend the release of hostages,” and against the backdrop of U.S. President Donald Trump’s advice to resume fighting if “all the hostages” are not released by Saturday at noon. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu issued a statement later Tuesday evening on the Israeli position following developments in the negotiations on the deal and the fear that the current crisis will lead to its collapse.

“If Hamas does not return our hostages by Saturday noon, the ceasefire will end the IDF will resume intense fighting until the final defeat of Hamas,” Netanyahu announced in his statement, saying this decision passed the Cabinet unanimously.
“We all welcomed President Trump’s demand to release our hostages by Saturday noon as well, and we all welcomed the President’s revolutionary vision for the future of Gaza,” Netanyahu added.
“In light of Hamas’s announcement regarding its decision to violate the agreement and not release our hostages, last night I instructed the IDF to amass forces inside – and surrounding – the Gaza Strip. This action is being carried out at this hour and will be completed very soon,” Netanyahu said.
A senior Israeli official later clarified that Netanyahu means all of the hostages currently being held in Gaza.
Shortly after Netanyahu’s announcement, the IDF announced a reinforcement of troops in the Southern Command, including by calling up reservists. “In accordance with the situational assessment and the decision to raise the level of readiness in the Southern Command, it was decided to increase reinforcements with additional troops, including reservists,” an IDF spokesman said. “The reinforcement of forces and the recruitment of reserves are being made in order to prepare for various scenarios.”
Although Netanyahu landed in Israel from a visit to the U.S. on Sunday, amid fears that the deal would collapse, the cabinet was not scheduled to convene until Tuesday evening. “The prime minister moved the cabinet meeting to the afternoon, brought forward due to Hamas’ decision to violate the agreement,” the source said.
“Last night, the prime minister ordered the reinforcement of forces in and around the Gaza Strip, and to prepare for any scenario if Hamas does not release our hostages this coming Saturday,” the source added. He said that “the cabinet meeting lasted about four hours and was thorough and in-depth.”
Following the meeting the prime minister’s spokesman Omer Dostri, meanwhile, addressed all ministers and instructed them: “On behalf of the prime minister, I request that you not be interviewed on the subject of Gaza at this stage.”
Even before the directive and shortly after the end of the discussion, Energy Minister Eli Cohen, a member of the cabinet, said that “we adopt President Trump’s words regarding the release of all the hostages and we adhere to them.” In an interview with “Galei Israel,” Cohen said that “anyone who thinks he can blackmail the State of Israel with such and such tricks – it will not happen.” According to him, “we adhere to Trump’s words regarding the release of all the hostages (by Saturday) and we adopt them. I see that they are actually saying that they will not abide by the agreement; This is already a violation of the deal.”
The cabinet meeting in Jerusalem was delayed Tuesday morning due to the extension of the limited security consultation that Netanyahu had already held. The ministers discussed, among other things, Hamas’ announcement to halt the release of the hostages, due to “Israeli violations.”
The New York Times reported Tuesday, citing six Israeli sources familiar with the details of the negotiations and another source on behalf of the mediators, that the Israeli delegation, which left for Doha on Sunday and returned early Monday morning, was in fact a “futile delegation.” According to the sources, the members of the delegation “listened to the Qatari proposals, and announced that they must return to Israel so that its government can decide how to proceed.”
Netanyahu actually delayed the discussions on Phase II of the cease-fire and hostage release deal, saying that he sees the talks on the deal he held in the U.S. on the 16th day of the first phase of a cease-fire with Steve Witkoff, Trump’s envoy to the Middle East, as the start of the talks. Against this backdrop, the cabinet Tuesday also discussed the mandate that will be given to the Israeli delegation that will deal with Phase II, and Netanyahu was supposed to bring the Israeli conditions to approval within this framework.

Senior Saudi Journalist Supports Statement Of Arab League Secretary-General That Hamas Must Relinquish Power: It Is A Rational Alternative To Trump’s Plan; The Palestinian Interest Demands It

In a February 11, 2025 interview on the Saudi Al-Arabiya channel, Arab League Secretary-General Ahmed Aboul Gheit called on Hamas to relinquish power in Gaza. He stated that the purpose of Trump’s declaration of his plan for Gaza was to prompt the Arabs to present an alternative proposal, and that the Arab summit scheduled for the end of this month will indeed discuss such a proposal, which will be acceptable to all the Palestinians and to the Arabs and the international community. He clarified that the Arab League maintains ties only with the Palestinian Authority and not with Hamas, and proposed that Hamas should relinquish power if the Palestinian interest requires this.[1]

In response to Gheit’s statements, senior journalist Tariq Al-Homayed  published an article in the London-based Saudi daily Al-Sharq Al-Awsat titled “Hamas Must Relinquish Power,” in which he supported Gheit’s position. He called to recognize the facts and understand that the Palestinian interest indeed requires Hamas to relinquish power, for this would be a rational alternative to Trump’s plan for Gaza. It will also prevent jeopardizing the security of Egypt and Jordan, prevent the danger of another war on Gaza with America’s blessing and allow the rebuilding of Gaza.

Arab League Secretary-General Ahmed Aboul Gheit (Image: Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, London, February 12, 2025)

The following are excerpts from Al-Homayed’s article, as published in the English-language edition of Al-Sharq Al-Awsat:[2]

“‘Hamas Must Relinquish Power’

“The above title is not my opinion, but that of the Secretary-General of the Arab League, Ahmed Aboul Gheit, who stated: ‘Hamas should relinquish power if serving Palestinian interests demands it.’ This is the correct stance to take given the escalating crisis in the region. It is a dangerous crisis.

“Yes, serving Palestinian interests does demand that it do so. Aboul Gheit’s assertion on Al Arabiya is extremely consequential, clear, and indeed sensible. His position should be reiterated by Arab statesmen and institutions, and above all, by the Palestinian Authority itself.

“This is not a sentimental question. Gaza and the entire Palestinian cause are facing a very real threat that undermines Jordanian, Egyptian, and Arab national security as a whole. What is happening now, and the repercussions it would have, could fuel extremism and terrorism in the region.

“US President Donald Trump speaks of Gaza as ‘real estate’ that he wants to own, explicitly stressing his intention to displace its residents and prevent them from ever returning. This is a dangerous statement – not a joke. Even if such a plan is impractical, its real danger lies in its consequences, not just in whether it can be carried out.

“And when President Trump hints that he is willing to cut aid to Jordan and Egypt, this is not merely a threat. He is threatening to blow up the most significant peace agreement the region has ever seen: the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel.

“When President Trump, setting a precedent, says that if the Israeli hostages in Gaza are not released by next Saturday at precisely 12 noon, then ‘let hell break loose,’ he is not joking either. If it were to break out, it would be the first Israeli war in the region launched with the explicit blessing of a US president.

“None of this is a joke, nor can any of this be downplayed or dismissed. Acting on popular sentiment, which has never proven effective at any point during the Israeli-Palestinian or Israeli-Arab conflict, is not a real option either. Here, we must remember something crucial.

“Despite Trump’s escalating rhetoric, his Secretary of State and several administration officials have stressed that anyone who rejects displacement or any of Trump’s proposals must present an alternative or better plan.

“I believe the first step of this alternative was voiced by Aboul Gheit: Hamas must step aside. Hamas giving up on power serves Palestinian and Arab interests. Hamas stepping aside would be less damaging than jeopardizing Egypt and Jordan’s security or the destruction of Gaza itself.

“There was a war. Its outcome is undeniable – regardless of Hamas or Iran’s claims of a false victory. Iran, after all, has agreed to a ceasefire in Lebanon because it recognizes that Hezbollah has been defeated, and it is now trying to preserve what remains of Hezbollah. Gaza and its people also deserve such pragmatism and acknowledgment of facts.

“Another undeniable fact (and everyone understands this, whatever they say in public) is that there will be no reconstruction or funding as long as Hamas remains in power. Who would even be willing to rebuild a territory that might soon face its sixth war before clearing the rubble?

“Accordingly, conducting the same failed experiments again is not an option. The reality is clear, the dangers are imminent, and they must be confronted with rationality, not slogans or emotions. Hamas must come to terms with this.”


[1] Alarabiya.net, February 11, 2025.

[2] English.aawsat.com, February 12, 2025.