Iran builds underground missile factories in Yemen as Houthis train for invasion from Jordan

Security officials say the Houthi rebel movement in Yemen has made significant advances in recent months, developing longer-range missiles and explosive drones and moving much of its production and storage underground — a shift that has prompted Israel to intensify operations against Houthi infrastructure far from its borders.

The warning, issued by military and intelligence officials, came after Thursday’s large-scale Israeli air raid on Sanaa that the military said dropped more than 65 munitions on Houthi command and weapons-storage sites in Operation Moving Package. The strikes followed a drone strike on the southern resort city of Eilat that wounded more than 20 people.

Officials say the pattern in Yemen mirrors an Iranian model adopted by Tehran’s regional allies: establish fortified, indigenous weapons industries — often dug into mountains or deserts — so groups are not dependent on foreign shipments. The model, officials say, aims to produce heavier, more accurate missiles and low-flying, hard-to-detect explosive drones.
“The threat is evolving: the Houthis are not only launching rockets and drones, they are building resilient production and storage capabilities,” a senior military official said, speaking on condition of anonymity under military rules.

Israeli intelligence has also been watching what it describes as a Houthi plan to train militias for a large-scale incursion modeled on Hamas’s Oct. 7 attack on Israel. The program, nicknamed in some reports “Tuffan al-Aqsa” or “Jerusalem Flood,” allegedly includes local militia recruitment and courses to practice mass-infiltration tactics that could originate from neighboring countries, officials said.

Analysts say the training takes place in Yemen, but they assess that any actual operation would likely be launched from Jordan or Syria to obscure its origins. “This is an idea beyond anything they have attempted before,” a military official said.

The assessments have prompted stepped-up Israeli intelligence collection and new task forces focused on Yemen. Military intelligence (AMAN) has created teams of analysts directed at locating Houthi command centers and weapons production sites, officials said. Those units have already produced what the military called “initial successes” in mapping Houthi infrastructure.

The strikes on Sanaa came about a month after an earlier Israeli operation targeting Houthi infrastructure and followed an attack on a Houthi cabinet meeting in Sanaa that Israeli intelligence assessed had failed to eliminate two principal targets — the Houthi chief of staff and defense minister — even as several lesser ministers and the government’s head were killed, according to Israeli assessments shared with media.
U.S. and international pressure on Houthi financing and arms transfers has continued. The U.S. Treasury this month sanctioned more than two dozen entities accused of channeling funds to the Houthis. Israeli officials said those steps, together with targeted strikes and internal Houthi developments, could help weaken the group over time.

IDF officials have said the operations are designed to prevent a future in which the Houthis possess thousands of accurate, long-range missiles that could threaten Israel and regional stability. “We do not want the Houthis to become a strategic, long-range missile threat,” one senior military official said. “That is why we are acting now to disrupt their centers of gravity.”

The Houthi movement, which is backed by Iran, has launched waves of drones and missiles toward Israel and shipping lanes in the Red Sea since the Gaza war began. Israel says its strikes in Yemen are intended to stop those attacks and to protect Israeli and international maritime traffic.

Analysts caution that degrading Houthi capabilities is difficult. Iran-style indigenization of weapons programs — tunneling production facilities into mountains and deserts and training local engineers — makes strikes and interdictions more complicated, they say. Israeli forces have in recent years carried out operations in Syria and elsewhere to try to halt similar efforts by Tehran and its proxies.

Israeli leaders argue a sustained campaign against the Houthi threat is necessary even if a ceasefire in Gaza is reached, saying the group’s stated goal of destroying Israel makes it an enduring security risk despite its geographic distance.

“We will not accept a situation in which the Houthis one day field thousands of precise missiles,” an Israeli official said, summarizing the government’s rationale for continuing operations.

However, another cautioned, “The more we hit their ports and stop weapons from Iran, the more they expand independent production.”

Qatar’s wealth facilitates hatred – patronizes terror

We are revisiting an old theme given the recent media prominence the oil rich Gulf State of Qatar has been receiving of late for rather obvious reasons. Qatar could and should offer so much to global unity and worthy causes. Instead, her wealth is used, by design to ensure disunity and continuing hatred to achieve a goal of Shia Islamic dominance. Knowingly or unknowingly, the morally bankrupt in western democracies assist in this objective.

‘Radix malorum est cupiditas’ as cited in Timothy’s New Testament first epistle, 6:10-14 and latterly in in the epigraph to the Pardoner’s Prologue in Chaucer’s late 14th century Canterbury Tales. Meaning, greed or the love of money is the root of all evil, how true that has been of human nature since time immemorial and endorsed in current society. Qatar, through its wealth from oil production is one of the most influential actors, if not the most influential on the global political stage as nations, organizations and individuals prostrate themselves in the hope and expectation of personal enrichment, irrespective of the objectives of the Qataris.

We have seen African nations, charities, companies, celebrities in the arts, culture and sporting world, political leaders from all democracies and media outlets allowing themselves to be corrupted, driven by greed and ego having orgasms over the spraying of dollars by racist, Arab slavers into their pockets. Nauseating as it is to the morally decent, the morally indecent will continue to prosper in this process irrespective of the damage being done to civilization and the wellbeing of the planet in which we all live.

If the Qataris had no money, no nation nor country would bother with the ugly, totalitarian theocratic Gulf State. No democracy would treat them with the respect they so ill deserve. They would simply be excrement on the shoes of the European Union, the African Union, ASEAN and the South American block. But Qatar’s mega wealth buys influence to the point of determining political and military strategy. It determines what tens of millions of us are told and how issues are presented. And if the greedy mob play along with the Qatari political manipulation they will continue to be rewarded. The tiny Jewish state of Israel is the one beacon of light in this world of financial greed, bucking the trend and challenging the evil emanating from this demonic nation that is Qatar.

If Dreyfus were on trial today, the puppets doing the bidding of Qatar would have been the mob finding Dreyfus guilty and baying for his blood whilst Israel would have been the courageous Emile Zola. Qatar has been aggressively promoting its evil through many channels especially media where the state owned AL Jazeera has been peddling antisemitism, mocking Hindu and Judeo-Christian values, and promoting extreme Shia Islamism for decades. I believe similar to the Iranian and Russian propaganda media TV channels, RTTV and Press TV, Al Jazeera should be banned from western democracies for the vile propaganda it spreads. Many Arab countries, paradoxically including the Palestinian Authority have at times banned and still do, Al Jazeera for Shia extremism. The fear of the west losing various revenue streams encourage the continuation of this Goebbels type output that has facilitated global antisemitism.

Running parallel with AJ’s promotion of antisemitism is the amount of money being poured into western universities and colleges, by Qatar not only influencing the curriculum but ensuring those responsible for the curriculum are of similar political and religious ideology to the funding nation. At least in Trump’s USA, a challenge and a strong one at that has begun to emerge ensuring those responsible for racist output are dealt with.

The Trump Administration have allowed themselves to be drawn into the tangled, financial web weaved by the Qataris. Acceptance of Air Force 1 and the US military base stationed in Qatar assisted the duplicitous Qataris in their objectives under the pretense of being an impartial actor between the Israelis and Hamas. The Israelis certainly did not believe them and despite the guarded public criticism, the US Government is also very much aware of Qatar’s influence within their domestic politics. Trump is no fool and fully understands Qatari provocation and influence within US academia.

The world of celebrity and sport shamed themselves by their connections to the Qataris. Thousands of slave laborer from Bangladesh, Pakistan, Indonesia and other third world countries died whilst working in an unsafe environment and in atrocious living conditions during the construction of stadiums that hosted the last FIFA World Cup. This made no difference to the sporting authorities nor the celebrity leeches who enjoyed receiving millions of dollars to promote, spread propaganda but most of all to keep their lips sealed regarding the atrocities inflicted on the slave laborer responsible for the places in which they were enjoying themselves.

Radix malorum est cupiditas – how true today as it was in biblical times. Human nature will never change. The morally corrupt will wallow in their shame and the morally decent will live to shame and expose them. Qatar be damned.

Time Has Come To Fulfill The Mitzvah Of Pidyon Shevuim — Freedom For A Captive On Rosh HaShana

Supporters of Amiram Ben-Uliel maintain his confession was extracted under duress and press for his release; Israeli courts have upheld his conviction. (Photo: Courtesy.)

I write this as both a journalist and a Jew for whom the mitzvah of Pidyon Shevuim, the redemption of captives, is not abstract law but a living obligation. The case of Amiram Ben-Uliel, now more than ten years in detention and for nearly nine years held in conditions his advocates describe as solitary and extreme, demands sober public scrutiny and moral action.

The essential facts are straightforward and have been reported widely. Ben-Uliel was indicted for the 2015 arson attack in the West Bank village of Duma that killed an 18-month-old child and his parents. In 2020, a court convicted him of three counts of murder and related charges and later sentenced him to multiple life terms. Israeli courts, including an appeal panel of the Supreme Court, have upheld the conviction and the sentences.

At the same time, the case is marked by deep, unresolved questions that go to the heart of justice and to Jewish moral duty. Ben-Uliel and his supporters assert that his conviction rests principally on a confession obtained after harsh interrogations by the General Security Service, known as the Shin Bet.

Human rights groups, legal analysts and advocacy organizations have raised alarms about the use of “special measures” or coercive interrogation techniques in this and related cases. Those critics argue that confessions obtained under such conditions are unreliable and that courts have established a dangerous precedent by admitting them.

The Supreme Court judges who reviewed Ben-Uliel’s appeal wrote that they had “no doubt” about his guilt after viewing the confession and related evidence. Yet the court also acknowledged the exceptional and troubling circumstances surrounding some of the interrogations. The tension is evident: a court affirming a conviction while expressing unease about the means by which part of the case was developed.

Critically, the Duma case did not rest on eyewitness identification that placed Ben-Uliel at the scene. Reports from the time show that there were no direct eyewitnesses who identified him committing the act, and at least some local accounts suggested competing lines of suspicion. Supporters say those alternative leads were not thoroughly pursued once the investigation focused on Jewish suspects. Courts and prosecutors have rejected those arguments and found the broader evidentiary picture sufficient.

For nearly a decade, Ben-Uliel’s supporters say he has endured extreme isolation. Multiple reports and advocacy groups have documented his restricted conditions: limited hours outside his cell, separated visits, and very constrained contact with family and counsel. These are not merely administrative details. Prolonged isolation carries profound physical and psychological costs and, when paired with allegations of coercive interrogation, raises serious rule of law concerns.

What should observers who love Israel and its moral standing do? First, insist on due process and judicial transparency for all citizens. The legitimacy of Israel’s legal system depends on perceived fairness. When courts allow evidence obtained under controversial methods to stand without full, publicly available explanations, the credibility of verdicts is harmed in the eyes of many, both within Israel’s broad center and among those who defend Israel abroad. Legal remedy in Ben-Uliel’s case has, for now, been exhausted in the courts.

Second, families, community leaders, and diplomats who truly uphold Jewish and Zionist moral values can take practical and immediate steps. I urge those who believe in justice to raise Ben-Uliel’s case respectfully with Israeli diplomats and consular officials, to request fuller disclosure about interrogation methods, and to press for review mechanisms that protect both security and due process.

On Rosh HaShana, the Jewish New Year, communal attention naturally turns to prayer, repentance, and acts of charity. The ancient duty of Pidyon Shevuim calls us not only to prayers but to concrete advocacy for the freedom of captives whose treatment is in doubt.

Finally, a sober reminder. Serious crimes must be investigated and punished. The Dawabsheh family endured an atrocity that shocked many Israelis. If the courts are correct, the state was right to prosecute and convict. If, however, the conviction relied on evidence that was elicited through means inconsistent with justice, then we are obliged as a people and as a democracy to say so and to seek correction. Silence in the face of procedural questions corrodes the moral capital Israel needs to stand for law and for Jewish values.

On Rosh HaShana the tradition urges us to open the book of life with hearts renewed. For those who accept the possibility that Amiram Ben-Uliel’s confinement reflects not only punishment but also potential miscarriage, the mitzvah of Pidyon Shevuim remains urgent. Redemption of captives is both a communal obligation and a test of our commitment to justice.

I call on rabbis, community leaders, diplomats, and citizens who cherish Israel to examine the facts, press for full transparency, and, where appropriate, act to redeem a captive whose supporters say was wrongfully confined.

— David Bedein, Jerusalem

Palestine recognition would reward terrorism and contradict international law

Canadian Defense Minister Anita Anand address media members during a joint press conference with Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III at the Pentagon, Washington, D.C., April 28, 2022. (DoD photo by U.S. Air Force Tech. Sgt. Jack Sanders)

In a Sept. 16 interview, Canada’s Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand said that Ottawa would recognize a Palestinian state at the UN next week despite its failure to implement any of the conditions and demands set forth in Prime Minister Mark Carney’s July 30 announcement of Canada’s recognition plan. This is a mistake, which would regrettably reward terrorism, make peace less likely and contradict the longstanding international legal frameworks for recognizing statehood and for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. There is a better way.

In a July 30 announcement, Carney said Ottawa’s “intention” to recognize was “predicated on the Palestinian Authority’s commitment” to fundamentally reform its governance, hold general elections “in which Hamas can play no part,” and demilitarize the Palestinian state. None of these commitments have been implemented.

Carney also demanded that Hamas immediately release all hostages, disarm, and “play no role in the future governance of Palestine.” None of these demands have been met.

Anand explained that recognizing Palestine doesn’t mean full diplomatic relations, and that Canada will “need to see reforms coming into place before any normalization of relations occurs.” But Palestine already has a diplomatic mission on the driveway in Ottawa, listed as the Palestinian General Delegation by Global Affairs Canada. Similarly, Canada already has a diplomatic mission on Elias Odeh Street in Ramallah, headed by Graham Dattels, listed by Global Affairs Canada as “Representative of Canada to the Palestinian Authority.”

Canada has long prided itself as a leading proponent of international law. Yet, recognition under the current circumstances would contradict the longstanding international legal frameworks for recognizing statehood and for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

The international legal criteria for statehood require that a nascent state have a) a permanent population; b) a defined territory; c) a government with effective control over that population and territory; and d) capacity to enter into relations with other states.

The European Council (EC) added several additional non-binding criteria in its 1991 guidelines for recognizing new states in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. These include prospective states providing their citizens “the rule of law, democracy, and human rights.”

The Palestinian Authority (PA), which the three Western countries plan to recognize, has had no control over the Gazan part of its territory since 2007 when Hamas seized power there in a bloody coup. Gaza contains over 40 per cent of the purported Palestinian state’s population. The PA thus lacks the capacity to ensure the Palestinian population abides by any agreements it enters into with other states.

As for the EC criteria, PA President Mahmoud Abbas is currently in the twentieth year of the single four-year term to which he was elected in 2005 (subsequent presidential elections have been cancelled). In addition, the respected Freedom House has for years given both the PA and the Hamas regimes worse scores for political rights and civil liberties than nearly any other government on earth.

The Carney government’s approach is more constructive than that of France (unconditional recognition) and the U.K. (which perversely pledged to recognize unless Israel agrees to a unilateral ceasefire). All three governments should withhold recognition at least until Carney’s commitments and demands have been met.

One of us (Irwin Cotler) has personally met with PA President Mahmoud Abbas and his aides many times over the years. They have repeatedly promised that they would abolish the pay-for-slay program and move towards demilitarization and deradicalization. Regrettably, those promises have largely gone unfulfilled.

The long-established “land for peace” legal framework for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, established by UN Security Council Resolution 242 and the Oslo Accords, provides that Palestinian statehood can only come as part of a negotiated solution to the conflict, in which Israel receives peace in return. Recognizing Palestine as a state under the current circumstances would torpedo that framework.

Hamas is emboldened to continue holding hostages and obstructing a ceasefire, and the PA has no incentive to take concrete steps towards peace when Western leaders recognize Palestinian statehood without Israel receiving peace in return.

As the German government has rightly explained, recognizing Palestinian statehood now would be “counterproductive,” because the requirements have not been met, and such recognition would undermine efforts to reach a negotiated solution to the conflict. Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen similarly called for recognition to wait until it “benefits a two-state solution” and a “democratic Palestinian state can be secured without the influence of Hamas.” Frederiksen also expressed concern that recognition now would be perceived as a “reward” for Hamas.

Britain, Canada, and France recognizing Palestine as a state should be paused until both Hamas and the PA take the actions necessary to ensure that a Palestinian state both meets the traditional international legal criteria for statehood and fulfills the Palestinian side of the “land for peace” legal framework for ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Prior to recognition, Hamas must release the hostages and disarm. Also prior to recognition, the PA must fundamentally reform its governance, hold general elections without Hamas, gain control of Gaza, and demilitarize the Palestinian territories. Recognition must wait until the PA demonstrates that it is both determined and able to implement an agreement that provides both it and Israel with lasting peace and security.

If Israeli-Palestinian peace is to be achieved, recognition of a Palestinian state must be the end result of a negotiated peace agreement, not a reward for terrorism.

Irwin Cotler is the international chair of the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights (RWCHR), a former minister of justice and attorney general of Canada and has been involved in Israeli-Palestinian peace-building for over 50 years.

Article content

Orde Kittrie is a law professor at Arizona State University, senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, and former legal and policy official at the U.S. State Department.

Official exhibit to mark the Oct. 7,  2023

The Government of Israel has established an official exhibit to mark the Oct. 7,  2023

Massacre , using movies, textbooks and documents, crediting our center.

Located at The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center  Opens on Oct. 8, 2025

UNRWA schools ‘hijacked by Hamas,’ watchdog report warns

A leading independent watchdog organization published a report this work on how the Hamas terrorist movement took control over the education system in Gaza and Lebanon from the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).

The watchdog group — UN Watch — titled its 220-page report “Schools in the Grip of Terror: How UNRWA Allowed Hamas Chiefs to Control Its Education System.”

According to the report, “These case studies show in detail how Hamas has hijacked UNRWA’s education through its domination of the local UNRWA staff unions, particularly the teachers’ sectors of the unions, enabling Hamas to control UNRWA schools — the physical facilities, teachers, and curriculum — including by preventing the agency from implementing changes to de-radicalize the curriculum, blocking efforts by UNRWA to discipline staff for inciting antisemitism and jihadi terrorism, and placing Hamas operatives in senior educator positions in schools.”

A State Department spokesperson told Fox News Digital, “The Administration has determined UNRWA is irredeemably compromised and now seeks its full dismantlement along with the return of remaining unspent funds. Other U.N. agencies and other more effective international partners are more than capable of stepping in to provide essential lines of support.

“As stated in President Trump’s February 4 Executive Order regarding ending funding or reviewing support for certain U.N. and international organizations, ‘UNRWA has reportedly been infiltrated by members of groups long designated by the Secretary of State (Secretary) as foreign terrorist organizations, and UNRWA employees were involved in the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel.”

The spokesperson concluded, “President Trump and Secretary Rubio have long stated that Hamas will never govern Gaza again. That includes institutions they have infiltrated to sustain their power and influence.”

Telling examples of Hamas control over UNRWA’s education system are, according to UN Watch, the expulsion of Matthias Schmale, a senior member of UNRWA’s international staff who headed the agency’s Gaza operation in 2021 because he issued an apparent pro-Israel remark in a media interview.

UN Watch alleged “it took less than 10 days” for UNRWA’s Palestinian leader on the ground, Amir Al-Mishal, then head of the UNRWA Gaza Staff Union, who coordinated with his predecessor Suhail Al-Hindi, to oust Schmale.

Suhail Al-Hindi publicly appeared with Hamas terrorist leaders for many years while working for UNRWA, UN Watch wrote. UNRWA refused to fire Al-Hindi. The U.S. and Europe have classified Hamas as a foreign terrorist organization.

UN Watch accused UNRWA of failing to dismiss “Fateh Sharif, who had served for years simultaneously as the head of the UNRWA Lebanon Teachers’ Union and as a senior leader of Hamas in Lebanon.”

Hillel Neuer, executive director, UN Watch, said, “For years governments have been writing billion-dollar checks to UNRWA believing they were investing in peace and tolerance. Our investigation reveals the shocking truth: UNRWA’s classrooms have been hijacked by Hamas and turned into incubators of hate. Donor states must confront the reality that they are financing terror by proxy.”

The scandal-plagued UNRWA has bounced from one corruption and terrorism scandal to the next over the years, including aiding Hamas terrorists in the mass murder of Israeli Jews and Americans.

Fox News Digital reported in 2024 that former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said Israel has evidence that dozens of individuals employed by UNRWA participated in the massacre of more than 1,200 people on Oct. 7, 2023, in southern Israel.

In August, Fox News Digital obtained a U.S. State Department public assessment to Congress, stating, “The administration has determined UNRWA is irredeemably compromised and now seeks its full dismantlement.”

Juliette Touma, a spokeswoman for UNRWA, told Fox News Digital that, “This report is part of a disinformation campaign that this organization, the so-called UN watchdog, has been launching against UNRWA for years now. Their reporting is full of unsubstantiated claims and clearly aims at destroying the agency which, at its heart, has provi[ded] education and health care in place where no one else actually wants to work with a group of people that is one of the most vulnerable in the region.”

Touma dismissed the report, claiming, “By the way to say most cases referred to in the report as new are not new. 90%, if not more, are already known to us.he vast majority have been found as unsubstantiated.”

The U.S. government stopped funding UNRWA because of its support for Hamas terrorists.

Schools in the Grip of Terror – UNRWA Report

“Most people who are engaged in underground organizations try not to have their involvement known publicly,” said Stéphane Dujarric, spokesperson of United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, when asked why the UN employed for decades a Hamas terror chief who oversaw 2,000 teachers at UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency

I’m an Orthodox Jew Because of Charlie Kirk

Adam Sharf at his wedding near Los Angeles on August 16, 2021. (Courtesy of the author)

In the fall of 2015, a student government colleague hustled me into a private room in the University of Oregon library to see a visitor I “had to meet” before his flight out of Eugene. Tall, skinny, and with a grin from ear to ear, Charlie Kirk was in Eugene to flip our student government conservative. At a place like the University of Oregon, just scraping together a slate of non-liberals was a stretch. But Charlie was ambitious and wanted to use Oregon as a trial run for flipping student governments at deeply progressive universities across the country.

I was involved in student government, ran recruitment for the Interfraternity Council, and once liked Mitt Romney’s Facebook page. At Oregon, that was enough to make me a recruit.

I told him I was a sophomore without the résumé or reputation to co-lead a student government slate. He told me to stop disqualifying myself, that I could lead and must try. He treated responsibility as something to be grabbed, not given.

Charlie scraped together enough funds to seed a slate and then stayed with us for weeks, often on the floor with a notepad, building the race from scratch. He cut our platform down to what students actually lived every day: bring Uber back to Eugene and support Greek life. We probably did not have the power to bring Uber back after a local ordinance banning it, but he was deeply strategic and understood the zeitgeist, even then. He started with what people worried about: getting home safe after a night out and having a sense of belonging on campus.

He flew in canvassers, drilled us on messaging, and set the pace. He was up before everyone, did not drink coffee, and still had more energy than the room combined. We argued a lot about the meaning of life, including a long dinner where the two of us debated euthanasia, abortion, and religion.

I’m an Orthodox Jew Because of Charlie KirkI’m an Orthodox Jew Because of Charlie Kirk
Charlie Kirk at the Western Wall in Jerusalem in November 2023. (@charliekirk11 via X)

He quoted Scripture from memory, but what stayed with me was not a verse. It was his conviction that moral truths exist outside of us, that God is an objective reality, not a construct. He forced me to ask whether I was living as if God was real, and whether I was honoring a tradition I barely understood. He never tried to convert me. What he said instead changed my life: “It’s important that you be Jewish.”

Only later did I learn he was just 22. To me, he was larger than life, with the knowledge and wisdom of someone twice his age.

Not everything we tried on the campaign worked. In a move that was very Charlie, he had stacks of pizza sent to a pop-up canvassing site for voters. It broke the rules, and a student elections complaint cost us two days in a weeklong campaign. Then word spread that a “right-wing extremist” was bankrolling our race. Charlie was anything but extreme, but the campaign collapsed.

His influence did not. He made a 19-year-old take first principles seriously: why we are here and what we are here for. I began attending Shabbat dinners, meeting weekly with my rabbi to try to understand the covenant Charlie told me about.

One conversation led to another, and then to two years in yeshiva at Machon Shlomo, where Torah study became daily practice. I joined the Altneu Synagogue in Manhattan. I read more widely and more carefully: Edmund Burke, Friedrich Hayek, and Ayn Rand. Thanks to Charlie, I treated life seriously and my relationship with God became primary. That shift carried me through college and, eventually, to Harvard Law School (likely to Charlie’s chagrin).

I’m an Orthodox Jew Because of Charlie KirkI’m an Orthodox Jew Because of Charlie KirkI’m an Orthodox Jew Because of Charlie Kirk
Adam Sharf with the Jewish community at the University of Oregon, soon after he first met Charlie Kirk. (Courtesy of the author)

The irony still makes me smile: A Christian activist sent me down the path to becoming an Orthodox Jew. On his last night in Eugene, one of my running mates dropped Charlie at his hotel before an early flight. At check-in, his card was declined. He had spent it all on our race for travel, outreach, and food, and had not even left enough for his own room. The mission came first.

I have since met others who tell versions of a similar story. Different campuses, but the same imprint: He believed in them first. If you knew Charlie only from social media clips, you saw the debates and the noise. If you met him, even for 10 minutes, you saw a man with unyielding faith who cared for and respected people he disagreed with. He admired my covenant with the God of Israel, and he wanted me to honor it. He loved Jesus. He loved the Jewish people. He believed truth exists and that we are responsible for it.

I will always be grateful for Charlie and his influence on my life. May his memory be a blessing.

This piece was originally published in The Jerusalem Post.

Greta Thunberg CAUGHT In Fraud That Could End Her Activism Career Forever!

Topics Covered:

  • The truth behind the flotilla “drone strike”
  • Oslo Accords: What went wrong?
  • European complicity in the failure of Middle East peace
  • Parallels between Islamist infiltration in Europe and Hamas control in Gaza
  • The myth of apartheid and the reality of coexistence in Israel

Symbolism and stakes in Sderot: Marking the Abraham Accords, a mile from Gaza

They chose Sderot deliberately.

A city scarred by two decades of rocket fire, whose streets still hold stories of trauma and resilience, became the stage for Magen Avraham, a high-level conference convened by the Coalition for Regional Security to mark five years since the Abraham Accords.

The symbolism was unmistakable: a gathering about regional normalization and shared prosperity held one mile from Gaza, where Hamas plots among its civilian population and infrastructure, and where Israeli families still wait for the return of hostages after more than 700 days.

The venue sent a clear message: reconciliation must be forged where violence is most prevalent and where the cost of failure is most evident.

Inside Sderot’s cinematheque, diplomats, generals, ambassadors, and regional experts gathered for an evening sponsored by the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation.

They presented new public-opinion data and debated the accords’ achievements and next steps: building a regional security architecture, prospects for Saudi normalization, economic and infrastructure cooperation, post-Gaza reconstruction, and the critical roles of education and strategic communications.

Outside, Sderot displayed both recovery and scars. New construction, thriving businesses, and the rhythms of daily life testify to Israel’s remarkable resilience. Yet many residents still carry scars, wounds of two decades of trauma and PTSD. That coexistence, growth alongside pain, framed the evening.

No bowing to Hamas

Sderot Mayor Alon Davidi set a blunt, necessary tone: “An accord held only on paper is not enough. If an Arab country conditions regional agreements on bowing before Hamas, there is no deal.” His words underscored strength, accountability, and a refusal to let normalization be hostage to terror.

Other speakers added nuance. Meir Ben-Shabbat, head of the Misgav Institute for National Security and of Israel’s delegation to the accord countries, reminded the audience that Arab states’ desire to engage with Israel still exists.

“Timing is difficult,” he said, “but peace must be underpinned by strength.” Former US ambassador Dan Shapiro was equally clear: normalization with Saudi Arabia will be possible “only after the war ends, the hostages are returned, and Hamas is overthrown.”

At the conference, the coalition released new survey data underscoring public backing. Seventy-two percent of Israelis view deepening the Abraham Accords as a supreme national interest; 67% believe the accords have strengthened Israel’s security and economy; and 78% would support a package that includes a ceasefire, hostage release, Hamas disarmament, and a pathway to normalization with Saudi Arabia.

Even in wartime, Israelis see regional alliances as strategic ballast.

Fragile diplomacy

Still, diplomacy is fragile. Amir Haik, Israel’s former ambassador to the United Arab Emirates, warned: “The Emiratis condemned Hamas immediately and reaffirmed their commitment. But when they say the accords are endangered, I cannot sleep.”

Marc Sievers, American Jewish Committee director in Abu Dhabi and former US ambassador to Oman, added: “Iran created conflict to prevent Israel-Saudi normalization.” Again and again, the discussion circled back to one truth: Riyadh is the strategic prize, but any durable agreement will depend on the outcome of the war and regional security guarantees.

Among the strategic analyses, I heard a humane chord from Ahmad al-Kouzai, a Bahraini political analyst I first met in Manama while exploring Bahrain’s water conservation efforts in 2022. He likened the accords to a marriage: “There will be bumps, but Israelis are the most resilient people I have ever met. They love life. There is hope.”

His words, warmly applauded, reminded everyone that diplomacy grows as much from human encounters as from treaties.

For me, this contrast is not theoretical. On the first anniversary of the accords, I wrote in the Khaleej Times about lessons from the United Arab Emirates on water and environmental collaboration, work that began with an invitation from the UAE Ministry of Climate Change and Environment shortly after the accords’ signing.

In September 2023, I joined a MENA Young Leaders delegation in Washington for the third anniversary, celebrating with Bahrain’s foreign minister at his embassy. Weeks later, I was set to sign a contract with an Israeli NGO to lead a peer-to-peer leadership program with Bahrain, with the ceremony scheduled for October 8.

However, just one day before, the October 7 massacre by Hamas terrorists shattered everything.

Weeks later, I walked those same Washington corridors again, this time with hostage families, pleading for meetings on Capitol Hill. Celebration and mourning, diplomacy and grief, the contrasts I carried to Sderot were raw and painfully real.

That is why this conversation matters. In the short run, Israel must shore up the home front with trauma care, resilience programs, and psychological support. But in the long run, we cannot abandon the work of regional cooperation. To do so would create vacuums that adversaries like Iran will exploit.

Two fault lines demand urgent attention: media and education. Speakers like Bahrain’s al-Kouzai, and Dan Fefferman of MiddleEast24, noted how Arab public opinion has been shaped by decades of hostile narratives. Few in the region know Israelis firsthand. When they do, perceptions change. That is why Israel needs a serious, sustained effort in strategic communication toward the Arab world, not only through governments but through people-to-people encounters, culture, and exchange.

Even more crucial is education. To my surprise, the conference gave it very little attention. Yet education will decide the future of the Abraham Accords more than any summit.

Peace depends on education

Real peace depends on what children learn in classrooms: who is cast as an enemy, who is recognized as a partner, and what future is imagined. The UAE has already taken bold steps to reform curricula over 30 years ago, even maintaining its embassy and airline links throughout the war while signaling readiness to help de-radicalize Gaza’s schools. These are not symbolic gestures; they are structural choices.

History shows why. After World War II, Allied occupational policy treated curriculum and textbooks as a primary lever for social transformation. Reformed school content and new education systems were central to the project of denazification in Germany and democratization in Japan. Changing what children learn helped change political culture over decades. That historical lesson is directly relevant here.

Why, then, has no one raised the obvious question? Has Saudi Arabia, still the leader of the Arab League, begun the difficult but necessary work of revising its curriculum to accept Israel and the Jewish people’s right to a homeland?

The conflict on Israel’s border is not only a military struggle but also the outcome of decades of indoctrination, via classrooms and media, mostly supported and funded by UNRWA, instilling hostility across four generations. The UAE has proven that reform is possible. Without it, diplomacy will remain a fragile shell.

Five years on, the Abraham Accords are fragile, imperfect, but vital. Marking the anniversary in Sderot was not a victory lap; it was a sober reminder of what is at stake. The real test of the accords will not be in summits or trade corridors alone, but in shaping what the next generation learns.

The choice before us is stark: let Sderot remain only a symbol of resilience, or make it the laboratory for a regional order that protects families, returns hostages, builds human ties, and educates for life.

The writer, a photojournalist, has returned to Sderot, where he focuses on the Gaza border as a global hub of resilience and innovation, documenting how recovery efforts and civic leadership are shaping the region’s future.