Calls Grow To Scrutinize Ceasefire Terms As Israel Faces Mounting Pressure

Over the next weeks and months, Israel will be pressured by the US into accepting a ceasefire.

However, before agreeing to a ceasefire, fundamental issues must be brought to the forefront to show that the war conducted by the Palestinians and their Iranian allies is far from over.

• The official Voice of Palestine, operating on Israeli government radio and TV frequencies, continues its daily incitement.

• The Palestinian “Pay for Slay” law continues, mandating a salary for life for anyone who kills a Jew.

• The PLO charter places the Palestinians in a permanent state of war until all Jews have been expelled from all areas that had been Mandatory Palestine.

• The PLO has now spawned a new Palestinian constitution, which does not recognize the right of any Jews to live anywhere in Palestine.

• The Palestinian-designated Jew-free areas include all of the territory which today constitutes the state of Israel.

• The Palestinian war curriculum continues to educate all Palestinian children to live a life of permanent war with the Jews, until all Jews are expelled from Palestine.

• UNRWA transforms generous humanitarian aid into cash for arms training to prepare the next generation for war. Sixty-seven nations pour 1.6 billion dollars into UNWRA for humanitarian services. UNRWA hosts five million descendants of Arabs who left Israel in the wake of the 1948 war and remain in 58 “temporary” refugee camps under the premise and promise of the right of return to Arab villages that existed before 1948.

All the above begs the question: What about the PSF, Palestinian Security Forces, established by the Israeli security apparatus to ensure at least one Palestinian partner on whom it could rely for cooperation.

Already receiving hefty salaries on the PA payroll, all levels of Israeli security document that PSF officers are consistent perpetrators of terrorism against civilians and the security forces of Israel.

Glorified as “martyrs,” all PSF groups are complicit.

The Palestinian Security Forces were formed under the Oslo Agreement signed in September 1995:

“To guarantee public order and internal security for the Palestinians of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip… shall establish a strong police force that consists of the Palestinian Police and other branches responsible for national, preventive, public, and presidential security.”

– all of which are, in theory, supposed to combat terrorism and collaborate with Israel on security matters.

PSF officers hold parallel positions in ‘resistance’ movements, either civil or military, such as the Al Aksa Martyrs Brigades (the military arm of Fatah), using armed confrontation with Israel.

Rather than upholding public order and preventing terrorism, they themselves carry out acts of terrorism against Israeli civilians and members of Israel’s security forces.

In sum, no ceasefire can be implemented in the Middle East until each of these issues is resolved.

It is crucial to understand the precise nature of the “ceasefire” that the Palestinians offer: a hudna to stop firing, a term frequently misunderstood as “truce” or “ceasefire.”

A hudna is nothing but a temporary respite and does not remotely resemble either a “truce” or a “ceasefire.”

Here, then, are four terms now in use in the Arabic understanding of what a ceasefire means:

• Hudna: tactical pause intended for rearmament
• Tahida: temporary halt in hostile activity, which can be violated at any time
• Hudaybiyyah: cessation of fighting for 10 years, invoking the “Treaty of Hudaybiyyah” in 628 CE
• Sulch: total cessation of hostile activity

Notably, a hudna, tahida, or hudaybiyyah has no relation to the mu’ahada treaty of peace that Egypt signed with Israel in 1979, or the mu’ahada treaty of peace that Jordan signed with Israel in 1994.

The authoritative Islamic Encyclopedia (London, 1922) defines “hudna” as a “temporary treaty” which can be approved or abrogated by Islamic religious leaders, depending on whether or not it serves the interests of Islam, and that a “hudna” cannot last for more than 10 years.

The Islamic Encyclopedia adds that the Hudaybia treaty is the ultimate “hudna.”

When our news agency sent a crew to monitor Yassir Arafat’s speeches following the Oslo peace accords, we documented that the PLO leader repeatedly declared that the Oslo accords were akin to the Hudaybia treaty.

No one listened.

Imposed Cease Fire – No Pretense of Peace

Over the next weeks and months, Israel will be pressured by the US into accepting a ceasefire.

However, before agreeing to a ceasefire, fundamental issues must be brought to the forefront to show that the war conducted by the Palestinians and their Iranian allies is far from over.

  • The official Voice of Palestine, operating on Israel government radio and TV frequencies, continues its daily incitement.
  • The Palestinian “Pay for Slay” law continues, mandating a salary for life for anyone who killed a Jew.
  • The PLO charter places the Palestinians in a permanent state of war until all Jews have been expelled from all areas that had been Mandatory Palestine.
  • The PLO has now spawned a new Palestinian constitution, which does not recognize the right of any Jews to live anywhere in Palestine.
  • The Palestinian-designated Jew-free areas include all of the territory which today constitutes the state of Israel.
  • The Palestinian war curriculum continues to educate all Palestinian children to live a life of permanent war with the Jews, until all Jews are expelled from Palestine.
  • UNRWA transforms generous humanitarian aid into cash for arms training to prepare the next generation for war. Sixty-seven nations pour 1.6 billion dollars into UNWRA for humanitarian services. UNRWA hosts five million descendants of Arabs who left Israel in the wake of the 1948 war and remain in 58 “temporary” refugee camps under the premise and promise of the right of return to Arab villages that existed before 1948

In sum, no ceasefire can be implemented in the Middle East until each of these issues is resolved.

One must always keep in mind that the ceasefire that the Palestinians offer:  a hudna  to stop firing, a term  which is too often misconstrued to mean a “truce” or a “cease fire.”

hudna connotes no more than a temporary respite and does not remotely resemble either a “truce” or a “cease fire.”

Here, then, are four terms now in use in the Arabic understanding of what a cease fire connotes:

  • Hudna: a tactical pause intended only for rearmament,
  • Tahida: a temporary halt in hostile activity which can be violated at any time
  • Hudaybiyyah:No fighting for 10 years: invoking after the “treaty of Hudaybiyyah” in 628 AD
  • Sulch: a total cessation of hostile activity

The reality is that a hudna, tahida or hudaybiyyah do not compare to the mu’ahada treaty of peace that Egypt signed with Israel in 1979, or the mu’ahada treaty of peace that Jordan signed with Israel in 1994.

The authoritative Islamic Encyclopedia (London, 1922) defines “hudna” as a “temporary treaty” which can be approved or abrogated by Islamic religious leaders, depending on whether or not it serves the interests of Islam, and that a “hudna” cannot last for more than 10 years.

That Islamic Encyclopedia ads  that the Hudaybia treaty is the ultimate “hudna.”

When our news agency sent a crew to monitor Yassir Arafat speeches after the Oslo peace accords , the PLO leader constantly proclaimed that the Oslo accords were like the Hudaybia treaty.

No one listened.

New Monitoring Project Aims To Expose Palestinian School Indoctrination

The Center for Near East Policy Research, publishing through the Israel Behind The News platform, has released a formal proposal to conduct continuous news coverage of schooling in the “State of Palestine” for the 2025–26 school year. The project seeks to document curriculum content, teacher affiliations, classroom materials, and whether PA pledges of reform have been enacted.

The proposal builds on two decades of research and media work by the centre and allied investigators who, the organisation says, have been analysing Palestinian and UNRWA education materials since 2000. The stated aim is to bring sustained, verifiable reporting on classroom realities to mainstream media and policymakers. The organisation says it will combine documentary filmmaking, textbook analysis, and first-hand interviews with principals, teachers, and administrators.

The plan arrives against a backdrop of repeated, independent reviews that have flagged problematic content in Palestinian curricula. Research groups such as IMPACT-se have released multiple reports documenting examples of militaristic and anti-Israeli material in textbooks and teacher guides. Those reports question the extent to which stated reforms have removed messages that glorify violence or demonize Israelis and Jews.

An EU-commissioned review led by the Georg Eckert Institute also assessed sample Palestinian textbooks and recommended a foundation for dialogue with the Palestinian Authority. That review acknowledged improvements in some areas while noting persistent concerns about material that could hinder peace education and tolerance. The new coverage proposal says these independent findings justify closer, ongoing scrutiny rather than episodic reporting.

The project proposes active engagement with school principals, teachers, and administrators. Investigators plan to catalogue classroom media, songs, poems, artwork, and graffiti, and to determine if any staff have affiliations with terrorist organisations or armed groups. The researchers say they will also test whether pledges by the PA and international donors to reform curricula have resulted in measurable changes in classrooms.

Operational details in the public proposal call for an Arabic-speaking correspondent, translators, press liaison, and administrative support. The team proposes monthly public events and a modest monthly budget to sustain field reporting, translation of documents, and outreach to mainstream outlets that can amplify verified findings. The proposal also points to a library of 26 documentary films the group has produced on Palestinian education as background and context.

Advocates for the initiative argue that sustained coverage is necessary to protect the interests of Israelis and Jewish communities worldwide. They say transparency about what children are taught matters to donors, diplomats, and educators who seek genuine peace education and accountability. Critics caution that monitoring must be rigorous, methodologically sound, and sensitive to the risk of conflating conflict narratives with deliberate indoctrination. Independent organisations such as IMPACT-se have emphasised the need for evidence-based engagement when pressing for educational reform.

The proposal urges media partners and community donors to support ongoing reporting, arguing that intermittent studies are insufficient to track classroom practice and the effects of international funding. It highlights options for alternative educational models and points to examples in Tunisia, Morocco, and Indonesia as possible lessons for reformers.

For readers in the Jewish and pro-Israel communities, the planned coverage offers a channel for verified information about school content and teacher conduct that could inform advocacy and diplomatic outreach. The project aims to produce regular public reporting that mainstream newsrooms can use to test claims of reform and to press funders and Palestinian authorities for accountability.

To support this crucial initiative, readers can donate here:
Israel Behind the News – Donations

False Flags and Real Agendas

The settlement of Yitzhar in Samaria, near Shechem, off Route 60, north of the Tapuach Junction.

YITZHAR, ISRAEL - NOV 20, 2009 : A general view of the settlement Yitzhar. Yitzhar is an Israeli settlement located in the Samarian mountains of the West Bank near Nablus/Shechem just off Route 60 north of the Tapuach Junction. The Hebrew term 'Yitzhar' is a biblical term, meaning high quality olive oil, and derives from one of the region's major industries. The village was originally established as a pioneer Nahal military outpost and demilitarized only a year later when turned over to residential purposes in 1984 with the assistance of the Amana settlement organization. Photo by Gili Yaari / Flash 90 *** Local Caption *** ???????
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In recent years, and not coincidentally, the concept of “settler violence” has begun to seep into the discourse in Israel and around the world. What began some two decades ago with anarchists harassing IDF soldiers using cameras and provocations, continued in 2018 with a high-end campaign to alter public perception and inculcate messaging regarding violent Israeli settlers through newspaper ads and giant billboards along Israeli highways. Later, “settler violence” became the main topic of conversation at the first White House meeting between the Prime Minister of Israel and newly-elected US President Joe Biden. This conversation lead to weekly meetings of the heads of Israel’s law enforcement and security systems on one hand, and a series of international sanctions on individuals and organizations on the other.

Israel didn’t drag the US into war with Iran — they enabled us to fight it smarter and faster

A dangerous lie has taken hold in Washington: that Israel somehow pressured the United States into war with Iran.

It’s wrong. And both President Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio have said so directly.

When a White House correspondent asked President Trump whether Israel had pulled America into the conflict, he didn’t hesitate. “I might have forced their hand,” he said. “We were having negotiations with these lunatics, and it was my opinion that they were going to attack first.”

Rubio was equally blunt after a deceptively edited video suggested he believed otherwise: “The president made a decision that negotiations were not going to work… this was a threat that was untenable. The decision was made to strike them.”

Untenable. That word deserves to sit with you for a moment.

Iran has spent years building nuclear weapons, developing long-range ballistic missiles, and encircling Israel with a terror army stretching from Lebanon to Gaza to Yemen. It has fired ballistic missiles directly at Israeli civilians.

No Israeli government — left, right, or center — could ignore that. Jerusalem’s decision to join a combined American-Israeli operation targeting Iran’s missile and nuclear capabilities drew near-universal support across Israel’s political spectrum. This wasn’t Netanyahu’s partisan gamble. It was a national security imperative.

And it was no surprise ambush on America.

When Netanyahu met Trump at Mar-a-Lago last December, reporting indicated the president had already green-lighted an Israeli strike on Iran’s missile infrastructure. When they met again at the White House, that green light held. Washington knew exactly what was coming and decided to lead the war.

The claim that Israel pressured the president of the United States into war is not just factually hollow — it veers dangerously close to the antisemitic fringe narratives about shadowy, unaccountable Jewish power that serious Republicans rightly reject.

But here’s the bigger point that keeps getting buried.

Iran’s missiles and nuclear program and terror are America’s problem.

Those missiles don’t just threaten Israel. They are being fired right now at US forces, American bases, our embassies, and our Gulf Arab allies. Iran is actively developing intercontinental ballistic missiles that could one day reach the American homeland.

This is the same regime that declared war on the United States in 1979 — that has killed and maimed thousands of Americans from Beirut to Baghdad to Kabul, taken Americans hostage, organized assassination and kidnapping plots in America, and armed the terrorist proxies that have American blood on their hands for decades.

Dismantling that regime’s nuclear, missile, and terror infrastructure is not a favor to Israel.

It is core American national security.

Now here’s what Americans should actually understand about the 12-Day War that took place against the regime in Iran in June 2025.

Israel didn’t ask American pilots to do the heavy lifting. For the first 11 days, Israeli aircraft flew deep into Iranian territory — more than a thousand miles from home — dismantling Iran’s air defenses and striking key military targets. No American fighter jets alongside them. No boots on the ground. No American pilots risking their lives over Iranian skies. Israel did that work itself.

Only once Iran’s defenses were shattered did President Trump act. On day eleven, American B-2 bombers struck Fordow — the deeply buried nuclear facility that had long kept American planners up at night. The result was a devastating blow to Iran’s nuclear program.

Dismantling that regime’s nuclear, missile, and terror infrastructure is not a favor to Israel.

It is core American national security.

Now here’s what Americans should actually understand about the 12-Day War that took place against the regime in Iran in June 2025.

Israel didn’t ask American pilots to do the heavy lifting. For the first 11 days, Israeli aircraft flew deep into Iranian territory — more than a thousand miles from home — dismantling Iran’s air defenses and striking key military targets. No American fighter jets alongside them. No boots on the ground. No American pilots risking their lives over Iranian skies. Israel did that work itself.

Only once Iran’s defenses were shattered did President Trump act. On day eleven, American B-2 bombers struck Fordow — the deeply buried nuclear facility that had long kept American planners up at night. The result was a devastating blow to Iran’s nuclear program.

Israel didn’t drag us into this war. It enabled us to fight it smarter, faster, and at far less cost than we ever could have alone.

That’s not pressure. That’s what real partnership looks like.

Mark Dubowitz is CEO of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy. https://www.fdd.org/

Mojtaba Khamenei Appointed Iran’s Supreme Leader in Defiance of America and Israel

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in Iran scored a significant political victory, successfully securing the appointment of their ally, Mojtaba Khamenei, as the new Supreme Leader of Iran, following the elimination of his father, Ali Khamenei, by Israel on the first day of the war. This development underscored once again that the IRGC continues to wield decisive influence over the country’s political system.

On March 8, 2026, the Iranian Assembly of Experts officially announced that Mojtaba Khamenei had been chosen as Iran’s third Supreme Leader since the founding of the Islamic Republic. Footage emerging from Iran captured citizens shouting “Death to Mojtaba.”

According to senior Israeli security sources, Mojtaba Khamenei reportedly survived an Israeli assassination attempt in recent days and received the endorsement of Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, who stated that his selection as Supreme Leader reflects “Iran’s desire to strengthen national unity.”

Senior Israeli officials have noted that the move was expected and that the appointment of Mojtaba Khamenei represents a direct challenge to the United States and Israel, describing it as “a finger in the eye.”

They assess that his selection presents an immediate political and security challenge for Washington and Jerusalem, both of which aim to dismantle the clerical regime.

In Iran, Mojtaba Khamenei is considered significantly more hardline than his father, Ali Khamenei, who was eliminated by Israel on February 28, 2026.

Western analysts had assumed that the removal of Ali Khamenei might spark a succession struggle, potentially weakening the regime or producing a compromise candidate. In reality, the appointment of Mojtaba Khamenei signals the opposite: near-complete ideological continuity with the principles established since the Islamic Revolution.

His selection indicates that the regime’s key power centers, led by the IRGC, preferred a candidate closely aligned with Iran’s security apparatus and its regional “resistance” doctrine.

For the Iranian leadership, the appointment of the previous leader’s son sends a dual message: the regime has not been broken by the elimination of his father and can maintain political continuity even under conditions of war and international pressure.

Senior Israeli security officials assess that Mojtaba Khamenei is now the top potential target for assassination, given recent statements by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz.

They argue that such a move could be necessary to dismantle the Iranian regime, even if it triggers unprecedented escalation, since an attack on the Supreme Leader would be perceived in Iran as a direct strike at the heart of the regime and a symbolic assault on its religious and political sovereignty.

Conversely, if Israel refrains from taking action, it risks being perceived as weak and deterred by the IRGC. Strategically, Mojtaba Khamenei now embodies the central axis of the Iranian regime, both as an ideological symbol and as the ultimate holder of political and religious authority.

Going forward, Mojtaba Khamenei will become a primary intelligence target for Israel and the United States, with any operational decisions against him to be coordinated between Prime Minister Netanyahu and former President Trump.

Israeli security sources also note that his appointment is likely to strengthen the connection between the office of the Supreme Leader and the military establishment, particularly the IRGC.

Over the years, Mojtaba Khamenei has been considered the individual most closely linked to the IRGC’s commanders and internal power networks. This suggests that decision-making in Tehran may become more centralized and heavily weighted toward security considerations, especially at a time when Iran is in direct military confrontation with Israel and the United States.

In Tehran, officials are expected to use the American and Israeli statements to present Mojtaba Khamenei’s appointment as a victory for “Iranian sovereignty.” Propaganda-wise, the regime’s ability to select a new leader despite external threats reinforces the narrative of standing firm under international pressure.

Ultimately, the selection of Mojtaba Khamenei as Supreme Leader signals that, despite the severe blow to the top of the regime, Iran’s political system has rapidly ensured continuity of governance, and the battle over the future of the Iranian regime is far from over.

How a Chabad house in Panama built the world’s most critical retreat model for IDF veterans

The Chabad House overlooking the Pacific in Playa Venao stands as an unlikely yet essential sanctuary where structure and nature meet to support Israeli combat veterans in recovery. (photo credit: NOAM BEDEIN)
For more than a decade, my work as a travel photojournalist has taken me to places where nature strips people down to their essentials. Over the past year, that journey sharpened into a deliberate exploration of how wild environments, intentional distance, and structured community can function as practical tools for healing trauma.

That exploration was never detached from home. Moving through remote landscapes and emerging wellness models, I kept returning to Israel and what our people have been through. I became convinced that healing, especially for those who carried the war on their bodies and in their souls, would become one of the central national challenges of the years ahead.

Since Oct. 7, that realization is no longer theoretical: It demands a response.

Adventure, trauma, and the pursuit of wellness

The emotional cost carried by Israel’s combat soldiers is not abstract. It lives in their bodies and their silence; in the difficulty many face when attempting to return to ordinary life after giving everything. Those who paid the highest toll are often the least equipped to articulate it.

Existing frameworks in Israel are under strain, and the scale of this moment demands new thinking, new spaces, and models that are both professional and humane.

For decades, tens of thousands of young Israelis have marked the end of service by traveling abroad. Since the war, many combat soldiers leave Israel carrying unprocessed trauma, moving directly from an intense, life-threatening reality into the freedom of the world outside.

Without a structured transition, that gap can become dangerous. In uncontained environments, the search for quiet can slide into disconnection, and the absence of boundaries can lead to unhealthy coping mechanisms, including substance use, isolation, and emotional collapse.

It was through this movement of Israeli backpackers that the story of Retreat Lochamim (Fighters’ Retreat) began.
Rabbi Yariv and Lital Klein did not set out to build a retreat. Over more than a decade, they hosted tens of thousands of Israeli travelers through their Chabad House. After the Israel-Hamas War, they began encountering combat soldiers arriving with burdens far heavier than familiar post-army fatigue. Panama wasn’t where this story began: It was where the need finally took shape.

That understanding led me across the world, from Israel to the Pacific coast of Panama, to a place called Playa Venao.

Playa Venao: The origin of Retreat Lochamim

Playa Venao sits far enough off the map that you have to mean it if you want to go there. The road narrows as you leave the highway, the jungle thickens, and the air grows heavy with heat and moisture. Then the Pacific opens up and long lines of waves roll toward a wide beach.

The retreat is held in a private villa compound on a quiet stretch of coastline, away from crowds. The setting is not a luxury detail. This is part of the clinical logic: silence, routine, and a protected perimeter that allows the nervous system to downshift before deeper work begins.

This is where Retreat Lochamim operates: a structured, research-backed retreat for IDF combat soldiers navigating PTSD, emotional collapse, numbness, hyper-alertness, insomnia, and profound loneliness.

Along this quiet Pacific shoreline, everyday life unfolds against a coastline that feels like a remote edge of the world.
Along this quiet Pacific shoreline, everyday life unfolds against a coastline that feels like a remote edge of the world. (credit: NOAM BEDEIN)

The retreat grew organically, shaped by who kept arriving at the Chabad House, and emerging from what the Kleins witnessed. For years, their Chabad House was a landing pad for Israeli post-army travelers. But after the war, something shifted. Soldiers were no longer arriving simply to decompress: They were arriving wounded in ways that were difficult to identify.

Rabbi Klein described it to me as “a change in the soul.” Soldiers avoided eye contact. Many were emotionally distant, unable to articulate what they carried. Some appeared numb, others hyper-alert. Loneliness often outweighed physical exhaustion. Bar Yohanan, part of the retreat’s operational leadership, described rising patterns of depression and behavior that no longer matched the familiar post-service profile.

What united these soldiers was not a single battlefield story but a shared inability to process what they had returned with. Many had gone to reserve duty and come back different, without having a language to express that difference.

Brilliant Macaws show their presence, highlighting the vivid ecosystem that frames this journey far from Israel.
Brilliant Macaws show their presence, highlighting the vivid ecosystem that frames this journey far from Israel. (credit: NOAM BEDEIN)

In Israel, few felt they had a safe platform to speak openly. Judgment, expectations, and unit dynamics often silenced them.

Rabbi Klein recognized that this was no longer a matter of hospitality: It was an emergency unfolding quietly, traveler by traveler. He began raising support in Panama City, describing the moment not as a strategy but as a call to mission. What became clear was that warmth alone was not enough – what was needed was structure.

Retreat Lochamim became that structure: a first-of-its-kind model designed for combat soldiers who need emotional healing through a supportive community and disciplined, body-based experiences. It is built around sequence: moving soldiers from guarded survival into regulated presence, and from isolation into belonging.
The program is supported by integrative academic research conducted through Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.

An Iguana in the surrounding jungle underscores the raw, untamed environment that creates distance from routine and space for healing.
An Iguana in the surrounding jungle underscores the raw, untamed environment that creates distance from routine and space for healing. (credit: NOAM BEDEIN)

In January 2026, a research article by Prof. Nurit Zeidman summarizing the first year of a three-year study was published. The paper examines the effect of surfing after group processing circles were held, exploring how the combination functions as a trauma-treatment sequence rather than separate activities.

Building trust: Clinical discipline and the road to the discussion circle

When I arrived to document and understand the retreat, I was not allowed to participate in its first three days. The decision came from clinical discipline.

The opening phase is sealed. No observers. No journalists. No visitors. Only the participants and the therapeutic professionals guiding the process. Being asked to step back did not feel like exclusion – it felt like discipline. The retreat’s first loyalty is to the internal safety of the group, not to documentation.

At first light, a participant prays beside the water, weaving spiritual grounding into the retreat’s disciplined structure.
At first light, a participant prays beside the water, weaving spiritual grounding into the retreat’s disciplined structure. (credit: NOAM BEDEIN)

Roni Yaari, a yoga, meditation, and somatic instructor, explained the logic: “We won’t do deep work, like intensive rebirthing, on the second day. First, the greenhouse must be ready; the womb must be ready.” Intensity without containment, she said, can do harm.

The first three days are devoted to building trust. Combat soldiers are grouped with others who share similar service backgrounds. Shared reference points allow trust to form quickly. Silence does not require explanation.

Throughout the week, alcohol and drugs are strictly prohibited. The retreat insists on clarity, so emotions can surface without distortion. The process is designed to remain clean and unfiltered, allowing participants to stay present with their emotions without numbing or distortion.

As daylight fades, surfers gather in the water – a daily ritual of rhythm, patience, and shared presence.
As daylight fades, surfers gather in the water – a daily ritual of rhythm, patience, and shared presence. (credit: NOAM BEDEIN)

My most direct interaction with participants came before the retreat began. I joined the shuttle from Panama City to Playa Venao, a long drive that gave space for silence and for stories to surface.

The men in that van came from everywhere. The youngest was 22; the oldest, 42. There were tank commanders, infantry soldiers, and veterans of elite units. Some had only recently left Israel; others had been traveling for months.

One man beside me said he had slept no more than two hours a night for the past two years. A combat tank sergeant. Always responsible. He had recommended the retreat to soldiers under his command before finally allowing himself to come. “This is the first thing I’ve done only for myself,” he told me.

By the time we reached Playa Venao, nothing had been resolved, but something had shifted. Strangers had become familiar; differences began collapsing into recognition.

A howled monkey moving through the canopy signals just how far from home this process begins.
A howled monkey moving through the canopy signals just how far from home this process begins. (credit: NOAM BEDEIN)

The retreat experience: Six days of structure, bodywork, and community

When I saw the group again after three days, the change was visible. Shoulders lowered. Eye contact steadier. The intensity had redistributed.

Michal, a clinical social worker and emotional affairs officer in the reserves, articulated the core injury: “The main injury is to trust. Trust in myself, in those above me, and in people. Relationships are injured, and relationships need space where people can be trusted again.”

Shabbat marked an emotional peak. The Chabad House filled up on Friday night, and the retreat participants were joined by additional elite combat soldiers connected to a separate community-led initiative called Masa Leiter (Leiter’s Journey). Another process, another circle, under the same roof. It did not dilute the experience. It revealed what Venao has become – a place capable of holding parallel needs without confusion.

­Panama offers Jewish infrastructure, cultural familiarity, and enough distance to loosen the grip of routine. When soldiers are removed from familiar geography and social roles, expectations loosen and defenses soften. There is room to feel without the immediate demand to function. This disconnection is not indulgence; it is a starting condition for healing.

While the retreat is meticulously structured, it is also held by the local Israeli community in Playa Venao, a committed network of families and professionals who have made the project a shared responsibility.

Physiotherapist Rotem Sol works directly with participants, focusing on the body, often the first place where trauma speaks.

“When a soldier arrives, the whole community mobilizes,” she told me. “That is what makes the model work. It is a home.”

The support network extends beyond Venao. The Jewish community of Panama City has helped fund the project, with restaurants and families hosting soldiers upon landing. The initiative also receives active support from the Israeli Embassy in Panama.

Retreat Lochamim runs for six days under the professional supervision of Dr. Lia Naor and is studied as a unified system within a doctoral research framework at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.

The week follows a consistent rhythm: morning meditation and yoga, group circles to process war experiences, then body-based work that reinforces what words alone cannot carry. The toolkit includes surfing, breath-based work, ice baths, body treatments, and evening practices that support integration, including a bonfire circle and a future vision board at the close of the retreat.

Yohanan described the structure: “We begin with the mind: the discussion circle. On top of that come the body and spirit. After the circle, there is surfing.” The sequence matters. Language without grounding drifts; bodywork without reflection can remain locked.

Michal followed the group from the opening discussion circle to the final one. At the start, soldiers arrived guarded, carrying skepticism and defenses shaped by years of service. Trust was limited. Openness was cautious.

By the final day, that posture had shifted. A cohesive group formed, grounded in shared language and mutual recognition. Trust developed both in the professional team and between participants. Soldiers committed themselves to the process, to the group, and to themselves.

Michal also described what she witnessed between the first circle and the closing one on day six. “They started as strangers,” she said, “different in age, personality, and the units they came from, and they finished as a cohesive group with a shared denominator and a real group to continue with.”

The early armor – skepticism, cynicism, quiet judgment about who carried more or less – gradually dissolved as safety took hold. Soldiers learned an emotional language many had never used: how to name a trigger without collapsing into it, how to share without performance, and how to listen without trying to fix. The shift was not sentimental. It was measurable in the room: more eye contact, more patience, more willingness to be seen.

For many, the week included first-time experiences that were intentionally framed as confidence-building rather than thrill-seeking: paddling into waves, rebirthing breath work, ice baths, even standing on nails. Even participants who had done some of these before described the difference here: the same practice, inside a protected container, with a team that watched the nervous system as closely as the story.

By the end, Michal said, the most important change was relational: trust in others returned, the sense of loneliness softened, and the feeling of being “broken” became less absolute. “It was far beyond expectations,” she concluded.
Yaari framed her role as giving soldiers tools they could carry home: “Through breathing, I can return to some kind of zero,” she said. Surfing, the retreat’s most visible element, is not treated as a sport. It is nonverbal therapy. Waves demand presence. They force breath control. They teach surrender without collapse.

The final days focus on transition, preparing participants for the emotional drop that can follow leaving a contained space, and emphasizing connection and continued support. The retreat does not promise closure – it offers direction.

Continuity and expanding the circle

Healing does not end when the retreat does. After returning to Israel, participants are invited into an ongoing support framework. Once a month, alumni gather for six-hour mini-retreats held at centers across Israel, with facilitated circles and practices drawn from the retreat week. The intention is to sustain momentum and keep soldiers connected to a community that understands what they are carrying.

Retreat Lochamim has expanded beyond male combat soldiers. The first retreat for women combat soldiers was held, with another scheduled in the coming months. In November 2025, a dedicated retreat was held for young IDF widows who lost their spouses during the Israel-Hamas War. Each program follows the same principles: structure, containment, and respect for process.

The people who carry it forward: Leadership and a model that can travel

As of December 2025, Retreat Lochamim has hosted more than 150 combat soldiers across 14 cycles, with hundreds more applying. The growth has been organic, driven by word of mouth. Operationally, the model now runs at a steady pace, with about two retreats each month, each serving 12 soldiers.

Yohanan described the demand: “My registrations fill up by themselves. For every retreat, I have over 40 people registered and only 12 spots. This is word of mouth, and it reflects the national need.”

Tzachi Banay arrived in the first cycle after months of reserve duty, carrying exhaustion and uncertainty. During the retreat, something aligned. He stayed on and now manages kitchen operations and logistics, present in every cycle since. His role is not clinical, but it is essential.

Klein described another long-term trajectory. A Supernova music festival survivor and combat soldier diagnosed with PTSD arrived unable to fly alone. After the retreat, he remained in Venao for a year, integrated into the community, learned to surf, and gradually rebuilt his confidence. He later returned to Israel and now speaks publicly about his journey. “Seeing that two-year trajectory proves the strength of the model,” the rabbi said.

What I encountered in Playa Venao is not a location-specific miracle. It is a model built on four elements: a trusted Jewish home, a committed local Jewish and Israeli community, professional trauma-informed leadership, and a wild natural environment that intensifies experience.

Surfing the waves can be replaced by mountains, desert, snow, or rivers. What must remain constant is structure, clear boundaries, and respect for process.

The global Chabad network already provides much of the necessary infrastructure. Retreat Lochamim demonstrates how that infrastructure can be activated with professionalism rather than improvisation, and with a clear understanding that hospitality alone is not treatment. The vision is to share this model with organizations in places where Israeli soldiers already travel, including India, Thailand, North and South America, and Australia.

The model is already moving outward. The team is scheduled to fly to Sydney to teach trauma-coping tools for leaders of Sydney’s Jewish community following the terrorist attack at Bondi Beach during Hanukkah.

Toward a sustainable blueprint and national resilience

Two directions stand out for expansion without losing integrity.

First, formalize an Ambassador Program. The most powerful vehicle for understanding this work is not a brochure. It is a soldier who can speak honestly about the journey from collapse to function, from sleeplessness to breath, from isolation to belonging. A structured ambassador track can identify those ready for that role, train them, and bring them into communities through curated events and trusted networks.

Second, develop a mission-aligned “soft landing and taking off” layer that strengthens, rather than competes with, the retreat. Guided nature-based experiences and structured outdoor programming can provide continuity for graduates while creating modest earned income. Done with discipline, this layer can add stability, meaningful roles for veterans, and an added dimension of self-efficacy that supports long-term healing.

Israel is entering a long season of recovery. Reserve duty cycles continue, and emotional processing lags behind operational demands. For many combat soldiers, the battlefield remains present long after the uniform comes off.

Models like Retreat Lochamim are not substitutes for Israel’s mental health system. They complement it by addressing what often falls between categories: the need for distance, containment, community, and a language that allows soldiers to reconnect with themselves without being reduced to diagnoses.

What I witnessed in Panama was recovery, carried out with structure. A remote stretch of Pacific coastline became a place where soldiers could breathe again, speak honestly, fall without collapsing, and begin moving forward with direction rather than avoidance.

For this generation of combat soldiers, that is a core need.

More than 500 soldiers have applied for limited places. Each retreat is intentionally small, usually 10 to 12 participants. Soldiers contribute roughly $500, but the full cost per participant, including staff, accommodation, food, logistics, and programming, is estimated at about $1,850, placing the operating cost of a cycle in the range of $18,000 to $22,000.

Recovery for combat soldiers is not measured in weeks – it is measured in years. Keeping such a protected space open requires stewardship and long-term commitment from those who understand that national resilience is built one healed individual at a time.

If this model is protected, refined, and allowed to grow with integrity, it can become one of the most meaningful contributions the global Jewish community makes to this generation of warriors.

The waves of Playa Venao will continue to break, indifferent to human struggle. What matters is that, for a brief and carefully held moment, those waves are used with intention, turning distance into healing, and helping soldiers return stronger to the lives, families, and responsibilities waiting for them.`