Ballot box blues

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October 29, 2022

If anecdotal feedback and surveys are anything to go by, an increasing number of potential voters are feeling tuned out as Election Day approaches on 1 November.

My own unscientific soundings of various age groups highlight a growing total disconnect from this latest attempt at electing a governing coalition. Obviously, the public is increasingly turned off by the juvenile antics of many who are aspiring to enter the Knesset.

This grassroots mood of discontent seems to have escaped the notice of those politicians still totally detached from the mood of weary citizens fed up with false promises and bombastic rhetoric.

The same failed individuals making yet another attempt at garnering our votes are repelling rather than attracting support.

What is it that they don’t understand?

In the good old days, political parties issued manifestos detailing their policies and describing how they would tackle the many problems facing the country, such as economic, security and social welfare. One could choose between good old-fashioned socialist solutions or opt for more liberal and competitive financial plans. The plain fact was that voters had the chance to peruse the various parties’ solutions to the problems of the day and decide which suited them best.

These days potential voters have to make do with vague generalities, sweeping assertions and unrealistic promises scattered like confetti which most of us know will never be fulfilled.

In addition, we once had political leaders whose personal lifestyles were modest and who had what seemed to be a genuine interest in improving the lives of ordinary citizens.

Prior to the advent of social media and its attendant intrusiveness, the things that counted most were coherent policies, a track record of service to the country, a devotion to the Zionist vision and a reasonable ability to articulate all the above.

Today, all it takes is an ability to look like a film star and rhetoric which glosses over the details and is instead big on generalities and taking down your opponents.

Once upon a time, it would have been unheard of for a twice convicted Cabinet Minister to not only lead a party (a religious one at that) but also be reelected to the position from which he had originally been removed. Today, we have an ex-jailed MK trying to return to the legislature and the Government. In addition, the head of the largest right-wing party is under indictment and striving to be PM again. Innocent until found guilty, he may be but isn’t there something shameless about someone in such a situation promising the moon and pleading for our support?

With its multiplicity of ethnicities, the Israeli electoral map straddles and encompasses most sectors of society which ensures a much fairer representation than is the case in democratic countries where only two or three parties always prevail. No system is perfect, but at least in Israel, there is a better chance of minority views being represented in the Knesset. With thirty-nine political parties vying for our vote and a relatively low 3.2% threshold required, critics complain that this is a recipe for instability, hence our frequent election cycles.

There are, however, two important mitigating factors that need to be taken note of.

In the absence of an upper House or Senate, the requirement to have coalitions means that compromises must be made and prevents a small majority from riding roughshod over minority opposition. The parliamentary system we have also ensures that a coalition or political leaders who have lost the confidence of the majority of the Knesset can be replaced and the electorate given another opportunity to elect alternatives. Contrast that with those countries like the USA and France, where the President remains in place for a fixed term and where short of a major scandal, they cannot be removed even if they prove to be incompetent or incapable of carrying out their duties.

As we roll up to the polling booths on 1 November, what factors must we take into account before casting our ballot?

What are the main major challenges facing the country, and do aspiring politicians have any coherent plan to tackle them?

Assuming that one issue parties have no chance, what choices do we face?

If you are a confirmed believer that Israel is guilty of original sin and that those who declare their intention to cleanse us from this land are really peace doves in disguise, then your choices are clear. You have a choice between Arab parties who are anti-Zionist and Meretz and Labour. Extreme left Meretz wants to return to the 1947 armistice lines and embrace Abbas, who incidentally is increasingly irrelevant as far as a growing number of Arabs are concerned. Labour which once was the dominant force in the early days has also drifted further left and, in the process, has ditched most of its socialist principles and support for developing settlements. Its current leader stated the other day that she saw no point in building transport infrastructure in the West Bank (her words) because that area was not going to be part of Israel in the future. Perhaps that explains why Labour is no longer a major force in the Israeli political landscape and has been reduced to a rump party.

If you are looking for a party in the centre but you are not sure whether it is centre left or centre right, you have several choices. Unfortunately, these alternatives all come with potentially severe flaws because they are composed in the main of refugees from other parties whose ideological acrobatics make discerning their real policies rather difficult and potentially fraught with dangerous consequences. Yair Lapid has pledged his allegiance to a two-State solution on our sovereign territory and has stated to Arab voters that he would make sure Jews do not (God forbid) pray on the Temple Mount. Benny Gantz has described the PA and Abbas as “moderates” even though their media and policies promote and support the murder of Israelis.

No wonder centrist voters are conflicted.

Right-wingers also face a conundrum.

Do they support Likud whose leader blows hot and cold every time the US Administration or the Charedi parties issue demands? In the past, he has supported a two-State solution and made agreements with Abbas, so can he be trusted in the future? If you believe that teaching core subjects is absolutely vital for Israel’s future and that the environment needs to be protected, how can you cast your ballot for a party whose leader promises to throw millions of shekels at Charedi schools which do not teach English and mathematics and promises to rescind the tax on disposable plastic goods and sweetened drinks just because his ultra-Orthodox allies demand it?

The alternative for religious right-wingers is the Religious Zionist Party. If, however, you are not a religious fundamentalist, then you will be repelled by some of their extremist views. In addition, “reforming” the judiciary so that one of its aims is to release the leader of Likud from current investigations is enough of a red flag to those who cherish the independence and separation of the courts and the legislature. On the other hand, if you support an uncompromising response to terror, then this party could be your natural choice.

The Charedi parties continue to pander to that sector. However, it is clear that slowly but surely, many younger, more modern members of that community are fed up with the ossified positions that they espouse. Caught in some sort of time warp dating back to the European shtetl these parties totally exclude women and are determined to keep their followers in abject poverty by denying them an education which would enable families to gain meaningful employment. When the head of one of these parties states that Israel does not need citizens who are proficient in English or mathematics or serve in the IDF, then you know that they are completely divorced from modern-day realities. Yet these are the very groups that Likud and Religious Zionist parties court.

This leaves right-wing voters who are tolerant of others and desire long overdue reforms in the areas of Kashrut certification and conversion and who once may have voted for the old Mafdal (National Religious Party) with a choice of the Jewish Home Party. However, owing to a feeling that they have now become too pareve and the fact that they will jump into a coalition with the above-mentioned parties it looks as though they will not garner enough votes to cross the threshold.

That leaves Yisrael Beiteinu, which is right-wing but secular and anathema to the Chareidi parties, who fear its policies of separating State and Synagogue and opening up all areas to more competition. Perceived as a purely Russian-orientated party, it does now attract other sectors but so far has not managed to receive double-digit representation. On the other hand, its leader (the current Finance Minister) keeps his promises and refuses to align with Netanyahu and his ultra-religious allies.

In common with the rest of the world, we face major challenges.

Cost of living, social disparities and associated economic hurdles need to be confronted.

Israel uniquely also faces other threats, such as defeating those plotting our demise and the rising tide of hate worldwide.

We do not, unlike New Zealand, need to introduce a flatulence (farting) tax or burping tax to “save” the climate. However, we could usefully introduce a hot air tax which, given the current emissions from our politicians, would certainly give our economy a boost.

The question remains. Who can we confidently vote for?

How to make the most of the israeli-lebanese maritime deal

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October 29, 2022

After years of stalling and hedging, a major economic collapse in Lebanon, multiple unstable governments in Israel, and threats of violence, the United States has successfully brokered a maritime border agreement between Beirut and Jerusalem. War has been averted, and everyone is happy. At least for now.

Israel will receive the most immediate benefits from this deal, as it can now quickly begin to exploit existing energy reserves in the Karish gas field. Lebanon may benefit as well, but it has more challenges to work through. Without reforms to the energy sector, profits from any future gas finds may end up in the hands of the political elite, lining their pockets and doing little for ordinary citizens. Hizballah, for its part, has seen its resistance rhetoric take a major blow with its public recognition of Israel. Yet there are fears that it may now turn its weapons against the internal Lebanese opposition.

U.S. envoy Amos Hochstein deserves enormous credit for getting this agreement over the finish line. Now, Washington should work to maximize the benefits for the Lebanese people and regional stability. This means increasing pressure on Lebanese officials to implement necessary reforms, particularly in the energy sector.

The Benefits of the Deal

Actors on both sides had strong reasons to make this agreement work. With elections coming in November, Israel wanted to start digging the Karish gas field as soon as possible and position itself as a natural gas producer. Lebanon had its own set of considerations. President Michel Aoun’s term will also end on November 1, and he wanted to make sure his legacy was not limited to failure and economic collapse. Hizballah, in turn, wanted to give the president they chose this goodbye gift. More importantly, the group wanted to avoid a war with Israel they knew they could not afford. After numerous threats failed to prevent Israel from moving ahead on Karish exploration, Hizballah knew that only diplomacy would help them save face.

Despite accusations that Israel accepted all of Lebanon’s conditions and conceded too quickly, the truth is that Lebanon started this round of negotiations with a low bar. First, knowing it was a nonstarter for Israel and the United States, President Aoun completely dropped any discussion of Line 29 as the maritime border. This proposed boundary, the southernmost of the lines under discussion, would have cut through the Karish field, giving Lebanon a stake in it. Instead, Aoun decided to negotiate over line 23 which gave Israel complete control over Karish. Second, while Beirut secured the Qana field, its ability to exploit it is contingent on Israeli approval. Total, the French company that will explore Qana, is required to reach a financial arrangement with Israel, in which Lebanon will have no say. In other words, Israel controls the Karish field, which has already been shown to contain gas, while Lebanon has to share the Qana field, in which gas deposits have not been located yet. And if there is any gas in Qana, Lebanon has agreed that Israel will receive a payment of at least seventeen percent of the revenues from Total. At best, the money will take five years to start flowing.

The End of the Resistance Narrative

In seeking to avoid a conflict while demonstrating that it could use force to advance Lebanese interests, Hizballah has now given Israel security guarantees that it will not target Karish. It has sought to spin the deal as a victory but has failed to translate this into domestic political gains. Although this is officially an agreement between Lebanon and Israel, in reality, many in Lebanon see it as a deal between Hizballah and Israel. Indeed, according to Reuters, the group reviewed and approved the agreement line by line.

This in itself is a breakthrough. For forty years, Hizballah’s resistance narrative rejected any kind of border negotiations with its sworn enemy or any acknowledgment of the state of Israel. Now, not only have Lebanon and Hizballah acknowledged the existence of Israel, but they also share an economic interest and are forced to maintain stability across the border as they await the profits from the deal to materialize. Hizballah’s narrative has already suffered from the group’s involvement in the Syrian civil war, where it has ignored Israeli strikes against its military personnel, arms depots, and weapons factories. By opting for a pact with Israel rather than another military confrontation, Hizballah has rendered itself even more irrelevant.

I grew up in a Shia town in South Lebanon. I was eight years old during the 1982 Israeli invasion and the establishment of Hizballah as a resistance movement. The word “Israel” was taboo — not to be uttered under any circumstances. Although we all knew that the country existed and prospered beyond our southern border, Hizballah made sure we understood that denial was the best way to deal with this reality. And if anyone dared to say the word “Israel” the immediate reaction was a forceful reminder that “it is called Palestine!” or “the occupying entity.”

In response to the maritime border deal, Hizballah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah said, “We do not have any problem with the agreement with Israel.” He didn’t say “occupied Palestine” or the “enemy state” — he said “Israel.” For many Lebanese people, this indicates a major shift in narrative and strategy. None of Hizballah’s officials have ever uttered the word “Israel” before. None of them tolerated ‎others who dared to say it. ‎

This new narrative may allow the group to buy time until it is more ready for conflict. Yet it still creates a new reality where the state next door actually exists, is Lebanon’s partner in gas, and has a say in Lebanon’s economy and stability. What’s more, Hizballah accepted U.S. mediation in the negotiations and acknowledged American diplomacy in a matter of utmost significance to its security and military strategy.

For Hizballah, the main challenge now is to keep the resistance narrative alive. The group cannot afford to take risks against Israel at this moment, inside or outside Lebanon, and seeks to refocus internally. This doesn’t mean that the rhetoric against Israel will stop, but it will probably change, with threats becoming less imminent and more rote. The group’s leadership will go back to turning a blind eye to Israeli strikes in Syria and resort to narrating past tales of victories instead of seeking out new ones.

But with Hizballah striving to maintain its role in Lebanese politics, the risk is that its weapons and resistance rhetoric will turn against internal opposition and protest. Since its last confrontation with Israel in 2006, Hizballah has been confronting its Lebanese opponents instead. This includes imposing a national unity government on May 7, 2008, provoking street clashes to hinder investigations into the Beirut port blast, assassinating rivals like former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and Shia critic Lokman Slim, and targeting protestors in 2019, mainly in Shia areas.

Upcoming Phases and Challenges

For Israel, the main challenge is to preserve the maritime deal after the legislative elections and the formation of a new government. Opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu has already criticized the deal and threatened to overturn it if he becomes prime minister. Many analysts, however, think this is mere election posturing that would quickly be shelved if he won.

For Lebanon, the next steps are much more challenging. If Total discovers gas in Qana, the revenues will not be enough to cover the country’s financial deficits, the banking sector losses, and the Central Bank’s depleted reserves. The only way out of this crisis is through substantial financial, economic, and legislative reforms that would protect energy revenues, instead of letting them be squandered through corruption. Setting up a sovereign wealth fund to manage gas revenue is particularly vital in light of this sector’s poor record for fiscal responsibility. For example, since 1992, corruption and mismanagement in the electricity sector alone have created $40 billion in debt, or 43 percent of the total government debt.

Without reforms, Lebanon’s corrupt political class will use energy revenue to maintain their interests and positions. This also means maintaining the sectarian narratives and clientelism that have already contributed to the collapse of Lebanon’s state institutions. Indeed, politicians very much hope to use the deal as an excuse to avoid reforms. By presenting Qana as a quick solution to the current crisis, they have already helped push calls for reform off the political agenda.

The U.S. Role

This deal demonstrated that the United States is still the strongest player in Lebanon. No other country — except perhaps France — was able to compel the Lebanese political class to make compromises for the sake of stability, and no one else could get Hizballah to accept a deal with Israel and acknowledge its partnership. Through this deal, Washington also enhanced its credibility and developed new channels of communication with important actors in Beirut. Biden should leverage this success to push the Lebanese government to implement long-overdue reforms.

The United States can work with its European and Gulf partners to sanction state officials who are hindering reforms in the energy sector. Actors such as the International Monetary Fund and the 2018 French-sponsored CEDRE donor conference have already spelled out what needs to be done. This includes creating an independent electricity regulatory authority, modernizing the transmission grid, and raising prices for the first time since the 1990s. A transparent sovereign wealth fund should also be established without delay.

In response to the threat posed by Hizballah, Washington can also play a positive role in the formation of a new government, the implementation of legal reforms, the investigation into the Beirut port blast, and the appointment of military officials. Over the years, the United States has become the biggest donor to Lebanon, mainly in the form of military assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces and humanitarian assistance in the recent economic crisis. Combined with terrorism and corruption sanctions, this created a degree of influence that the Lebanese authorities understand very well. Washington can use this influence to push Lebanon to elect a new president, protect the judge investigating the port blast, and secure the elevation of responsible security officials.

These are not only internal Lebanese issues. They can make or break a very fragile country, whose instability will spill over to its neighbors and affect American interests in the region. The maritime deal shows what U.S. diplomacy can do. Now is the time to do more.

Abbas deputy admits PA security personnel work with terrorists

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October 29, 2022

Israeli security forces launched an anti-terror raid against the “Lion’s Den” terror cell, including a bomb-making factory, early Tuesday. The cell was responsible for several terrorist attacks.

In response to the terrorists’ deaths and the exposure of the factory, Fatah Deputy Chairman Mahmoud Al-Aloul admitted that the Palestinian Authority security forces were fighting alongside terrorists—the Tanzim—against Israel (or, as he put it, “the occupation”), according to a report by Palestinian Media Watch.

He said Israeli soldiers were injured “due to the brave position of the Palestinian security forces” and that all Palestinians, including the P.A. security forces and Fatah’s terror faction, are “one unit.”
“We speak about all the Palestinians. All the Palestinians are one unit. The Security Forces members, the Tanzim, the public, and everyone—one unit in dealing with this occupation,” said Aloul.

P.A. leader Mahmoud Abbas created the deputy chairman position, especially for Aloul.

What the public at large has a right to know before the Nov. 1 elections

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David Bedein

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October 28, 2022

What is Not Generally Known to the Public in IsraeL, one month before elections:

The Palestinian Security Forces (PSF), trained by the IDF, now carry out daily attacks against Jews through its PSF elite unit known as the Al Aqsa Brigades.

Yet the government of Israel continues full security cooperation with the PSF . (1)

With the knowledge of the government of Israel, the Palestinian Authority has enacted unprecedented legislation to provide a salary for life for anyone who murders a Jew. (2)

People in Israel know that the PA often pays killers.

Few know that there is a law in this regard.

The government of Israel has never asked for the repeal of this PA law, which functions as an incentive to kill.

Instead, The government of Israeli reduces allocations to the PA according to the amount that the PA pays convicted killers, while allowing Saudi Arabia, Qatar & other nations to fill in the cash flow gap for convicted felons.

With the full knowledge of the government of Israel, the Palestinian Authority has fostered a new school curriculum which indoctrinates children to make war on the Jews.(3)

The government of Israel could veto that curriculum, yet does not use its authority to do so.

The government of Israel will not even demand that the PA remove a new PA textbook which presents Dalal Al Mugrabi, who murdered 35 Jews, including 12 children, as a role model for the next generation (4)

UNRWA allocates a $1.6 billion budget to maintain 6.7 million descendants of Arab refugees in 59 “temporary” refugee camps, as refugees for perpetuity, while inculcating the “right of return” to villages which existed before 1948. COGAT, the Israel Civil Administration, which oversees UNRWA, will not ask for any change in UNRWA policy (5)

Meanwhile, PA texts used by UNRWA now provide 120 new maps in UNRWA
schools which replace any Jewish presence with Arabic names –on both sides of the 1967 line- a new form of Judenrein. (6)

The government of Israel could order COGAT to stop distribution of these maps.

Israel could demand that the PA and UNRWA use standard world maps in their schools that depict the geographic details of each member state of the UN, including Israel.

Yet the current government of Israel will not make that demand.

Instead, the government of Israel encourages Israel business interests to invest in the Palestinian Authority, yet without vetting terror connections of their PA business partners. (7)

All this occurs, without beginning to mention the Arab encroachments in area C of Judea and Samaria that Regavim has documented so meticulously, while the government of Israel allows this to occur.

https://www.regavim.org/

1. https://israelbehindthenews.com/2011/05/05/dangers-us-aid-palestinian-security-forces-2/

2. https://israelbehindthenews.com/2017/01/11/incentivizing-terrorism-palestinian-authority-allocations-terrorists-families/

3. https://www.terrorism-info.org.il/en/?s=GROISS

4. https://israelbehindthenews.com/2021/11/30/dalal-al-mughrabi-a-murderous-terrorist-as-a-role-model-in-palestinian-authority-schoolbooks-used-by-unrwa-2/

5. https://israelbehindthenews.com/2019/04/02/six-policy-challenges-to-guide-unrwa-policy-reform/

6. https://israelbehindthenews.com/2022/09/24/revealing-maps-the-palestinian-vision-as-taught-in-unrwa-schools/

7,. https://israelbehindthenews.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/Proposed-investigation-of-Israeli-Corporate-Corruption.pdf

WATCH: Fatah video boasts of 7,200 terror attacks this year

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October 28, 2022

Fatah, which is headed by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, released a video boasting of carrying out 7,200 terror attacks against Israel in 2022 and criticized Hamas for doing nothing.

Rate of illegal Palestinian construction in Area C increased by 80% in 2022

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October 27, 2022

A report released by the Regavim Movement reveals that in 2022, illegal Palestinian construction in Area C, the portion of Judea and Samaria under full Israeli jurisdiction, increased by 80%. The report documents 5535 new illegal structures built in 2022, compared to 3076 structures in the same period in 2021. Regavim: “The Israeli government is creating a de facto Palestinian state.“

In 2022, illegal Palestinian construction in Area C of Judea and Samaria boomed, outpacing the already-alarming rate seen in 2021 by 80%. Regavim’s most recent report, based on data collected through meticulous fieldwork, aerial photography and GIS mapping, compared the situation on the ground in 2021 to that of 2022. The study covered the period of April 2021 through April 2022, analyzing the number of structures, the legal status of the land on which they were built and the jurisdictional lines dictated by international law.

Regavim’s exhaustive study indicates that in comparison to previous years, the data for the most recent period are unprecedented, both in quality and quantity. The structures in built in recent months are not temporary shacks or makeshift shelters that characterized much of the illegal activity in earlier years; in 2022, new Palestinian construction is characterized by “palatial residences, sprawling holiday resorts, amusement and entertainment compounds and event halls, swimming pools and vacation villages, and high-rise residential and commercial towers.” In addition to the mass-scale construction, in many areas development and infrastructure work was carried out to lay the groundwork for future full-scale neighborhoods, such as at Khirbet Khattha near Tarkumiyeh and Lakef near Karnei Shomron.

Regavim studied construction patterns exclusively in Area C, the portion of Judea and Samaria placed under full Israeli jurisdiction in the Oslo Accords framework. At present, according to Regavim’s research, there are 81,317 illegal Arab-built structures in this area, covering an area of approximately 150,000 dunams – twice the total area of Jewish settlement in Judea and Samaria all told, legal and illegal. Illegal Jewish construction stands at 4,382 structures, of which 406 new structures were built in the time period of the new study. Although the disparity in number is striking, it is far overshadowed by the disparity in quality: Whereas illegal Arab-built structures are located in desolate, remote areas far from existing villages or settlement clusters, all of the illegal construction in the Jewish sector is located within the municipal “blue line” boundaries of Jewish settlements.

Analysis of the hard data reveals several additional important facts: Aerial photos show that in Areas A and B – the sections of Judea and Samaria placed under full Palestinian Authority civil jurisdiction under the Oslo framework, there are abundant empty spaces that remain undeveloped and completely un-utilized. Rather than developing these areas, Arab construction has continued to seep into the open spaces of Area C. Additionally, these same aerial photos leave no room for doubt: Arab construction is neither random nor haphazard. Construction is strategically placed, in accordance with the Fayyad Plan, according to pre-established criteria and objectives: Creating contiguous Arab settlement – a pattern that is particularly pronounced in northern Samaria; isolation and strangulation of Jewish communities; construction on the route of planned traffic arteries such as the Funduk Bypass Road and the Tekoa–Ibei HaNachal Access Road in eastern Gush Etzion; construction alongside existing highways, including Route 55 and Route 60, the main roads of Samaria and Judea respectively.

Israel Election Update

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October 27, 2022

Last week, some residents of Efrat.invited Israel Government minister Matan Kahane to a living room session in their home, in an open session to discuss the November 1 Israel elections

Matan Kahane, a retired officer from the Israel Air Force, had maintained a low profile on the issues of the day during this campaign

His move from the Israel National camp to the peace camp was shrouded in secrecy, until this week .

Matan prefers to speak about his accomplishments as minister of Religious affairs.

HOWEVER, Efrat voters asked hard questions – to discern why Kahane changed his political position, to support “peace now”.

Kahane ‘ s response: was thad he trusts the assessments of the IDF general staff, and that he trusts Benny Gantz.

Kahane could not deal with the question of the questionable credibility of the IDF General Staff, the same IDF general staff which did not forsee the intifada in 1987 and in 2000.

The same IDF general staff which gave rubber stamp approval to the Oslo accord in 1993, even though the PLO never ratified the accord and never canceled the Plo charter.

The same iDF general staff which gave a rubber stamp to the Idf retreat from Lebanon in 2000 , without considering the possibility that terrorist from Hezbollah would fill the vacuum in Southern Lebanon.

The same IDF general staff which gave rubber stamp approval to the Idf retreat from, Gaza in 2005, despite signs that radical Islam would replace the IDF .

Matan Kahane shrugged his shoulders in his endorsement of the new Israel capitulation in the new maritime agreement with Lebanon.

After all, the IDF general staff agrees to it.

The unkindest cut of all was Kahane’s praise of Benny Gantz and his denial of the reality on the ground that Gantz works 24/7 to create a Plo state, with no conditions added.

Full disclosure: as a journalist who has covered Kahane, it hurt to hear Kahane’s response to my soft ball question.

Three years ago. Kahane was the only Mk to say an that he would demand that the PA cancel its law that provides an automatic salary for life for anyone who murders a Jew

. I had asked 90 Mk’s if they favored conditioning aid to the PA on the cancelation of Pay for slay.

The only Mk to respond in the affirmative was Mk Matan Kahane. After that I invited Mk Kahane to appear on a zoom conference with the family of Esther Horgan, a woman who had just been murdered.

So I asked Kahane where he stood on the PAY for slay issue. Kahane answered that he could not promise…After all Benny Gantz and the Idf general staff do everything in their power to facilitate PA salaries for life to those who have murdered Jews . In accordance with the new unprecedented PA law in this regard, which Gantz and the Idf general staff now facilitates. …thanks to the people who facilitated Gantz’s appearance in Efrat one week before the israel elections , we know where Mk Kahane and his political party stands.

Human Rights Alert

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October 27, 2022

Israel

Torture of Israeli citizen by Israeli secret police to extract confessions for a conviction of a crime. The Supreme Court of Israel upheld the sentence of three life terms due to confessions in September 2022.

Amiram Ben Uliel [center] at Supreme Court in March 2022.

Amiram Ben Uliel, 28 was arrested in wake of an arson attack on a home in the Arab town of Duma in July 2015 in which three people were killed. In January 2016, Ben Uliel was indicted for murder and membership in a terrorist organization.

In May 2020, Ben Uliel was convicted of three counts of murder, two counts of attempted murder, three counts of arson, and conspiring to commit a racially-motivated crime. He was sentenced to three life terms plus 17 years’ imprisonment.

Suspects were brought in. Many of them were subjected to torture and isolation. For 21 days, detainees were not allowed to speak to a relative or attorney.

In June 2018, the Central District Court in Lod confirmed that Ben Uliel had been tortured and ruled out several confessions that he had made to interrogators of the General Security Services. The court admitted confessions by Ben Uliel that were made after torture sessions. This served as the only basis for his conviction.

The court also determined that an unidentified defendant, then a minor, was tortured. In May 2019, the suspect, now an adult, entered a plea bargain and eventually was sentenced to 42 months, 32 of which had already been served.

Methods of Torture

Both media accounts and defense attorneys have reported that the General Security Services used what was termed a “menu of torture” against Ben Uliel and other suspects, most of them minors. They included electric shocks, sexual harassment, beatings, groping by a female interrogator, and the stretching and shrinking of detainees on what was called a Procrustean bed. The torture was approved by the highest judicial authorities, the attorney general, and later the Supreme Court, the latter which upheld the use of torture in obtaining confessions.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights

The detention and interrogation of Ben Uliel violated Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights – “No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”

The case also violated Articles 8-11, which guarantee an effective remedy for violations of fundamental rights, freedom from arbitrary detention, right to a fair trial and presumption of innocence.

In the words of defense attorney Avigdor Feldman, Ben Uliel underwent unprecedented torture by the General Security Services. Feldman, who in 1991 received the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award, said he read a GSS document to the Supreme Court that listed torture methods.

For the first time, I saw an organized listing of torture methods – how long each method was employed on the body of the interrogatee, how many times each procedure was repeated, and the various auxiliary aids that were designed to produce visceral pain. When I studied the document, which I was forbidden to copy or keep in my office, my hair stood on end. I understood that it was prepared by a brain trust of doctors, interrogators, psychologists, and apparently lawmakers, who used the tested and primitive methods whose purpose was to shatter the feeling of self of the interrogatee, to abandon him to the mercy of his interrogators.

Reenactment of torture method by General Security Services.

Call for Action

Amiram Ben Uliel and anybody else who has been tortured must be immediately released. Those who tortured the detainees must be prosecuted.

The General Security Services must come under strict scrutiny with regard to how it conducts interrogations and treats detainees.

International law calls for a complete ban on torture and the need for open trials and transparency. The case of Amiram Ben Uliel has shown how the State of Israel is ready to disregard any legal safeguards to achieve political aims.

Sources

https://www.honenu.org/kfar-duma-case-articles

Saudi Arabia cements commitment to Palestinian refugees with UNRWA contribution 25 times the amount it pledged

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October 25, 2022

The Kingdom has gone over and above its $2 million pledge, giving $50 million this year alone
International community prioritizing other crises over Palestinian plight, says UNRWA chief Philippe Lazzarini

AMMAN: For decades, Saudi Arabia has been among the biggest donors to Palestinian refugees, helping camps in the occupied territories and across the wider Middle East with money, and boosting the coffers of relief agencies working in the region.

Since Israel occupied the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, millions of Palestinians have been left dependent on aid provided by the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.

This week, UNRWA acknowledged a $27 million contribution from Saudi Arabia to support programs in the region, taking the Kingdom’s total donations to the $50 million pledge it made this year.

Over the past 20 years, the Kingdom has donated more than $1 billion to the agency, making it one of the largest donor states. The latest donations will help support the more than two million Palestinians in need of humanitarian aid.

Established in 1949, UNRWA’s initial mandate was to provide assistance and protection to Palestinian refugees, pending a just and lasting solution to their plight.

Over the years, however, it has evolved to include the provision of emergency services for those affected by the 1967 occupation, including the millions of refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza.

Saudi Arabia has also actively contributed to 108 aid projects in various sectors, from food security and camp coordination to education and health, donating more than $5 billion over the past 20 years through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center.

“Saudi Arabia has been a leading supporter of the Palestinian people on Palestinian territory and the region. It’s important that countries that pledged funds commit to their pledges agreed upon,” Naif bin Bandar Al-Sudairi, the Saudi ambassador to Jordan, told Arab News.

“They see the Kingdom as a nation that sticks to its commitments and leads the humanitarian efforts. This could add indirect pressure to other countries to follow suit.”

Saudi Arabia’s stated annual commitment to UNRWA is $2 million, meaning it has donated 25 times that amount this year alone. Al-Sudairy says this demonstrates the Kingdom’s steadfast support for the Palestinian people.

UNRWA suffered a significant funding setback in 2018 when the US government suspended contributions, which were only restored in 2021. This loss of support came on the back of falling international interest in the Palestinian plight.

“The financial challenges we are facing today started about 10 years ago,” UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini told Arab News.

“It came at a time when the Israel-Palestine conflict started to be deprioritized, a new emerging political dynamic (appeared), at a time when the attention of this part of the world started to decrease and UNRWA became a collateral of this environment.

“We continued to deliver services, education, primary health, social protection to millions of Palestine refugees as it is expected as per the mandate given to the agency.”

However, due to a host of new challenges, including price inflation, “resources have stubbornly stagnated,” he added.

Since June 1967, an elaborate system of laws and regulations has hit all aspects of Palestinian life in the occupied territories, from the fragmenting of the economy to the destruction of homes, agriculture and cultural life.

Owing in part to the loss of foreign aid support and the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the number of Palestinians living below the poverty line has skyrocketed, reaching 53 percent in Gaza, according to the World Bank.

Its May 2022 Economic Monitoring Report said that during the pandemic, income fell in 72 percent of households in the West Bank and 57 percent of households in Gaza. Meanwhile, food insecurity increased from 9 percent to 23 percent in the West Bank and 50 percent to 53 percent in Gaza.

“The deterioration in economic and political conditions fostered a deep fiscal crisis characterized by a steep decline in donor aid, a large financing gap and the build-up of potentially destabilizing domestic debt and arrears to the private sector and pension fund,” the UN Conference on Trade and Development said in a report in August.

UNRWA says $1.6 billion are needed to fully fund vital services for millions of Palestinians across the Middle East. Of this, $806 million are required to support education, health, relief, and social services and protection, and $406 million for emergency assistance in Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem.

A further $365 million are needed for the emergency humanitarian response in Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan, where Palestinian refugees are hit by overlapping crises, including the protracted Syria conflict, COVID-19, and the political and economic crises facing Lebanon.

Lazzarini says the unpredictability of donations is a significant obstacle, owing to a lack of consistent interest from the international community.

“All this is taking place at a time where there is very little political horizon,” said Lazzarini. “I’m convinced that the lack of funding can easily be overcome if there’s proper political attention and proper political will.

“Sometimes funding can be decreased due to political considerations; at times we receive less from some donors that are not prioritizing this region anymore, or because they had to decrease their overseas budget, and this affects us here in the region.”

The Kingdom’s donations will contribute to UNRWA’s global mobilization to address an unprecedented shortfall this year.

With Saudi Arabia’s support of other partners, the agency has been able to open the 711 schools for 530,000 children in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria on time.

Meanwhile, 140 health centers have remained open, providing crucial primary health care to 3 million patients.

“I believe the Kingdom’s stance towards the Palestinian humanitarian cause goes parallel to its stance politically,” said Saudi Ambassador to Jordan Al-Sudairi.

“The Kingdom is the only nation in the world that has proposed two peace initiatives based on UN Resolution 242, the first in Fez presented by King Fahad and the second by then-Crown Prince Abdullah in Beirut.”

Last month, during his address before the UN General Assembly, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah confirmed that the Kingdom considers the Palestinian cause a priority, and will continue to do so.

Support for Palestine has been among its primary foreign policies since the establishment of the Kingdom, he added.

Prince Faisal told the UN body: “Security and stability in the Middle East requires a just and global solution for the Palestinian question.”

Germany wants Israeli UAVs to thwart Russian strikes

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October 25, 2022

The German media reports that the government wants to use the Heron UAVs it leases from Israel Aerospace Industries to defend against potential Russian attacks on critical infrastructures.
Israeli-made unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), which the Germany government has leased in a long-term deal could soon be deployed by the German military to oversee the country’s critical energy infrastructure and monitor movements of the Russian naval fleet – the German media has reported over the past few days. The reports also say that the German parliament has asked the German Air Force to immediate redeploy the UAVs (drones) to provide protection against potential Russian sabotage.

The Germans leased five Heron-TP UAVs, together with two training UAVs in 2016 in a deal worth nearly €1 billion. The deal has been expanded over the past two years. Since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war, the German parliament has decided to let the UAVs be armed with Israeli-made missiles, and begin German Army missions beyond Europe’s borders at an initial cost of €140 million. Over the past two years dozens of German Air Force pilots have been training at the Israel Air4 Force base in Tel Nof in how to operate the UAVs, as part of the overall deal signed with the Israeli government and Israel Aerospace Industries.

The concerns: Russia will try to hit infrastructures

Now, due to the escalating security situation in Europe, there are resolute calls to convert use of the UAVs so that they can oversee Germany’s critical energy infrastructures. Last month’s mysterious explosion of the Nord Stream gas pipeline, which is still being investigated, and concerns that Russia will try to hit civilian infrastructures, like the gas pipeline from Norway and other locations. An incident in which communications lines of the railways were cut near Hamburg, causing massive rail disruptions, is also being investigated.

In recent weeks, Russia has been attacking Ukrainian infrastructure installations including water and electricity, and this has demonstrated for the Germans the danger of hitting infrastructures, especially during the winter when the population is dependent on electricity and heating.

German Member of Parliament Johannes Arlt from the Social Democratic Party (SPD), a member of the government coalition, last week proposed to use the leased UAVs to protect German gas and energy infrastructures. German Interior Minister Nancy Faeser, also from the SDP, called for a significant increase in infrastructures protection. “With the help of the UAVs and their radar, we will be able to monitor wide areas and respond quickly to any disorder,” Arlt told “Der Spiegel.” “Due to Russian threats,” Arlt said, “we must quickly create the legal basis that will allow use of these UAVs for national security purposes.”

Use of UAVs is currently not permitted in German airspace. However, the “Deutsche Zeitung” cited the Ministry of the Interior which recently reported that the Israeli-made drones will soon move to an activity base in their parent squadron, at the Buchel Air Force base where they will perform “trial flights.”

According to the report, the Garman Army aims to create a legal basis that will allow their use also for national security purposes within Germany’s borders, and not only overseas. The triial flights are planned to take place over the next year. The use of UAVs is possible “for specific needs” and as long as it “does not cause disruption to civilian aircraft traffic.”

The EU is trying to produce its own armed UAVs called the “Eurodrone” and leasing UAVs from Israel and arming them with missiles is considered an “interim solution.”

Germany officially announced last month that it plans procuring the “Arrow 3” system from Israel, subject to US approval, in a deal that will cost an estimated €3 billion and will protect Germany and other countries from ballistic missiles.

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